What does race have to do with the Yugoslav region?
-century production of national cultures: that ‘race’ did not matter in European nations without colonies. Yet postcolonial studies of the Nordic region have overcome this, showing striking similarities between former colonial powers and nations that were sometimes under their own neighbours' imperial rule.
Coalitions of white and Afro-Scandinavian scholars, working across national boundaries, have demonstrated that not only the assertive middle-ranking empires of Denmark and Sweden, but also national identity-making projects in Swedish-ruled Norway and Danish
's Romani ethnicity. However, the article did include a photo of a beggar on the street with the caption: ‘Roma panhandler in Sweden, 2013’ (Euractiv, 2014 ). There was no discussion on how the photo of a Romani beggar allegedly from Sweden related to the Dano case, if it was not for the previous reports that mobile Romani migrants commit social assistance fraud as ‘welfare tourists’ (Geddes and Hadj Abdou, 2016 ). Most of the newspaper articles on welfare tourism ignored practices such as ‘dental tourism’ (Österle et al. , 2009 ), whereby British citizens travel to
is in this case an inclusive naturalization regime that drops age and other
requirements that cannot be defended from a stakeholder perspective. Sweden,
for example, applies ius soli only to foundlings and otherwise stateless
children, but the parents or guardians of minor children who have spent three
years in the country can get them Swedish citizenship by a simple
Ius sanguinis is also rightly criticized for being
resolved, but living without nationality and rights is a harsh reality for thousands of Roma in the EU. Roma children born in Italy to parents who've fled there during the Balkan wars are still facing the scourge of statelessness, even though their families have been living there for decades. We, as members of the European Parliament need to make sure that this remains a priority on the EU agenda until all Roma can enjoy their rights as European citizens.
Soraya Post, Swedish Member of the European Parliament of Romani
occurred at the same time that settler colonialism and Atlantic slavery began, and European trading companies (not only the best known, like the British and Dutch East India Companies, but also those as short-lived as Courland's (Dzenovska 2013 )) were expanding colonial power, a comparative history of empire might ask how far Habsburg or Ottoman imperialisms were informed by the notions fuelling Spanish, Portuguese, British, French, Dutch, Danish or Swedish colonial power overseas. Such questions, essential for decolonial longue-durée perspectives on south-east Europe
the liberal democratic tendencies ascribed to a certain national mentality), threaten public safety and health, and import migrants' own ethnic and religious antagonisms (Solomos 2003 ; Lentin 2004 ; Fekete 2009 ).
Post-Yugoslav refugees experienced EU ‘protection’ differently in different member states, or even German Länder . Most EU members gave many Bosnian refugees more permanent statuses over time, Sweden routed them into its asylum system immediately, and Germany stood out both in requiring Bosnians to return after Dayton and in
legal system recognises and protects the Roma communities living in Italy as linguistic minorities as they lack a stable connection with the territory, as it is well known.’ Finland included Roma in its Constitution as a group, next to Sami, who were recognised as an Indigenous group (Section 17 of the Constitution of Finland ), whilst Sweden included Roma as a national minority in the National Minorities and Minority Languages Act 2009 with other groups (Article 2). Austria recognised Roma through its 1976 Volksgruppengesetz (although not directly mentioned in
of their map (Hajdarpašić 2009 ). 4 Gilroy ( 2004 : 157), writing on European cultural racism, describes common themes in ‘European racial nationalisms all the way from Sweden to Rome’ – but what of those further east and south? Monica Popescu's suggestion (inspired by a story by the South African writer Ivan Vladislavić, whose paternal grandparents emigrated from Croatia (Warnes 2000 : 273)) that ‘the figure of translation’ could mediate ‘post-apartheid and post-communist’ critical apparatus (Popescu
2003 : 408) did not lead to critical
Swedish overseers afterwards, the overseers, already identifying with US racial ideology, started calling the Montenegrins this same term (Lubotina 2015 : 42) – while ‘immigrants from Finland, Italy, and the Balkans also abused African Americans on the Mesabi Range to demonstrate their superiority over a more maligned race’ (Lubotina 2015 : 42, 54).
‘Wikluh Sky kao Will I Am’, www.youtube.com/watch?v=yj88lZ_E9MY (3 November 2013
population according to estimates); Netherlands (37,500 or 0.24%); Poland (12,731 or 0.1%); Portugal (up to 70,000 or 0.52%); Romania (1.85 million or 8.32%); Slovakia (500,000 or 9%); Slovenia (8,500 or 0.42%); Spain (725,000 or 1.57%); and Sweden (42,500 or 0.46%). According to these estimates, there are approximately 6 million EU citizens identified as belonging to Romani minorities. In the Member States that joined the EU before 2004, there are around 2 million Roma, and in those that joined later, around 4 million (European Union Official Website, 2015). It is not