Karl Magnus Johansson
Sweden: another awkward partner?
Introduction: reluctant yet faithful
Scholars of the European Union must lift the lid off the ‘black box’ of
domestic politics to understand the behaviour of Member States in the
integration processes. In this chapter, we will move inside the Swedish
polity by analysing domestic constraints and institutional characteristics.
The overarching aim is to capture the fundamentals of Sweden as an EU
member, thereby identifying the primary actors involved in the
Sweden is seen as a forerunner in environmental and ecological policy. This book is about policies and strategies for ecologically rational governance, and uses the Swedish case study to ask whether or not it is possible to move from a traditional environmental policy to a broad, integrated pursuit of sustainable development, as illustrated through the ‘Sustainable Sweden’ programme. It begins by looking at the spatial dimensions of ecological governance, and goes on to consider the integration and effectiveness of sustainable development policies. The book analyses the tension between democracy and sustainable development, which has a broader relevance beyond the Swedish model, to other nation states as well as the European Union as a whole. It offers the latest word in advanced implementation of sustainable development.
A new Swedish model? Swedish social
democracy at the crossroads
Sweden has for a long time been viewed as a paradigmatic case for progressive politics. Swedish social democracy, to which the progressive character
of such politics was attributed, could legitimately claim to have mastered
the historic task of the revisionist Left: building a societal coalition around
the goal of enhancing social welfare for all, while safeguarding the profitability of business and delivering economic growth. When economic crisis
hit home in the
146 CASE STUDIES
National machinery for gender equality
in Sweden and other Nordic countries
In this chapter I want to describe the ‘Nordic model’ of
national machinery for gender equality. I want to show the
similarities between the countries, but also the differences.
The official Nordic cooperation on gender equality, conducted by the Nordic Council of Ministers, is based on the
development of pilot projects and reports on priority areas.
It provides excellent opportunities to develop new methods
and strategies and is a forum
Liberal reform and the creation of new conflict economies
Jenny H. Peterson
Contech of Sweden and Morrison Knudsen International, Inc of the USA. The
hope was that the influx of financial and human capital from these foreign
companies would help spark economic recovery in Kosovo. However, several
years later, Trepça remained a site of struggle between Serbs and Albanians as
well as Serbia and Kosovo. Negotiations will become more complex as the
number of stakeholders increases through foreign investment. Encouraging
international investment in a territory where the issues of property rights and
rule of law remain in flux is problematic
German Responses to the June 2019 Mission of the Sea-Watch 3
internal borders, or when they are faced with deportation. Such support has nevertheless been significant, because it potentially challenges the right of nation-states to determine who enters their territory and who is allowed to stay, and because it is often primarily prompted by a sense of solidarity, rather than by a sense of compassion towards suffering fellow humans. Those engaged in such acts of solidarity include, for example, French olive farmer Cédric Herrou, who since 2015 has assisted migrants crossing from Italy to France, and Swedish student Elin Ersson, who
authoritative source for explaining the 1994 genocide of the Tutsi and to a lesser extent violence perpetrated by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). The book also became the basis for numerous prosecutions of accused genocide perpetrators. Even before publication of the text, Des Forges worked closely with prosecutors at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), and after its publication, the book became the basis for numerous cases in Arusha. Leave None to Tell also has served as the basis for prosecutions in Canada, Belgium, France, Sweden, Finland and the
one was asked to apologise, but was allowed to keep his job ( Parker, 2018 ). The woman who had raised
these concerns, Amira Malik Miller, had been subsequently working for the Swedish
International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA) when she saw Van
Hauwermeiren’s name listed as the Oxfam country director in Chad; she had
raised concerns both with Oxfam and with SIDA, who were an Oxfam funder, but these
had been ignored ( Ratcliffe, 2018 ).
Astonishingly, Oxfam, when
The Law and Politics of Responding to Attacks against Aid Workers
Julia Brooks and Rob Grace
has aimed to offer a more expansive security management framework to facilitate policy conversations about what is actually going on in the field, why these tensions are persisting and what alternatives to current approaches exist.
The interviews for this article were conducted under the auspices of the Harvard Humanitarian Initiative, with funding from the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency, fund number: 210665. The authors wish to thank Anaïde Nahikian, who collaborated on designing the interview methodology and
Lessons Learned for Engagement in Fragile and Conflict-Affected States
the South Sudan Crisis .
Danish Demining Group and the Swedish International Development Agency
. ( 2010 )
SIDA DDG Evaluation: Final Report South Sudan .
Danish Refugee Council (DRC)
. ( 2014 )
Post Relocation Evaluation: Key Findings & Life in the New POC .