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José Luís Fiori

Westphalia was signed by approximately 150 European ‘territorial authorities’, but at that time there were only six or seven modern states. After the Napoleonic Wars, at the beginning of the ‘imperialist age’ (1840–1914), this number increased due to the independence of American states, and at the end of the Second World War the UN Charter was signed by 50 independent states. It was in the second half of the twentieth century that the inter-state system expanded more rapidly. Today there are almost 200 sovereign states with a seat at the UN

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

concluded with the threat of airstrikes in the background. An especially commonly cited argument was that NATO was acting ‘in the spirit’ of the UN Charter in attempting to compel the Milosevic government to cease and desist its repressive activities in Kosovo. The then NATO Secretary-General, Javier Solana, encapsulated this argument at his first press conference after Operation Allied Force got underway

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Heikki Patomäki

The Agenda for Democratisation emphasises that although ‘interrupted by the Cold War’, democratisation in accordance with the spirit of the UN Charter is also about ‘the project of democratic international organisations.’ 18 ‘A supportive international environment for democracy’ requires, in the post-Cold War situation and the context of globalisation

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Open Access (free)
Virtuousness, virtuality and virtuosity in NATO’s representation of the Kosovo campaign
Andreas Behnke

Charter, or it becomes, as authorised by the UN Security Council, an execution, sanction, or enforcement of international law. 12 War as a duel between states has been replaced by a discriminatory concept in which the warring state becomes a ‘criminal’ or rogue state. Although the UN Charter constitutes a major modification of the law of war, the Western imagination goes much

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Open Access (free)
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

demonstrated by the key role that NATO members have conceded to the UN in overseeing the post-conflict reconstruction of Kosovo. What was confirmed by the Kosovo crisis is that the UN Charter and the security role that derives from it makes the UN an international body that is optimised for dealing with inter-state conflict better than the intra-state kind. The long-term impact of the Kosovo crisis on debates about

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Open Access (free)
Kosovo and the outlines of Europe’s new order
Sergei Medvedev and Peter van Ham

spectacularly failed, morally as well as politically, to legitimise the violence and death which followed its invocation. Neumann’s quest for a ‘political entity which may legitimately speak in the name of humanity’ has so far proved futile. In fact, many, including Russia, China and most Third World countries, would see such a political entity to be embodied in the United Nations – and the UN Charter as the only source of legitimacy

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Open Access (free)
Reflections in a distorting mirror
Christoph Zürcher

rights by the Russian army, this criticism was widely rejected in Russia as hypocrisy. The high-intensity conflicts in Chechnya and Kosovo are over, but the war of interpretation is still going on, and binds the two cases even closer together. Russia claims that NATO’s action was a violation of the international norms, especially of the UN Charter. NATO declares that its actions were justified, because

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Open Access (free)
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

are equal in their right to govern themselves as a nation’ and was incorporated into both the Covenant of the League of Nations (1920) and the Charter of the United Nations (1945). The preamble to the UN Charter claims that its members ‘… reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small’. Originally seen as an

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Henrik Larsen

for autonomous action, backed by needs to develop a capacity for autonomous action backed by credible military forces . . . in order to respond to international crises without prejudice to actions by NATO. The EU will thereby increase its ability to contribute to international peace and security in accordance with the principles of the UN Charter. (Declaration by the European

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy
Adjusting to life after the Cold War
Kerry Longhurst

to Chancellor Kohl, enabled Germany through article 24 of the constitution to go beyond minimalist ‘Blue Helmet’ missions to active military support in line with the UN charter. Within these goals both the CDU and the CSU stressed the continuing centrality of NATO’s role. At the heart of this position were, most notably, Kohl and his Defence Minister Rühe, whose conception of the role of the Bundeswehr it was that eventually won through. The Conservative drive for an extended role for the Bundeswehr served three specific aims. • It would enhance the broader

in Germany and the use of force