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Heikki Patomäki

of the US foreign policy of the 1990s, and show how Boutros-Ghali seemed to offend all of them. These offences explain why the US wanted to get rid of Boutros-Ghali. In addition to drawing on explanatory theories, I supplement this evidence by an analysis of published UN documents, that is, press releases, speeches, reports and agendas. I also utilise a number of second-hand sources that make

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Impact of structural tensions and thresholds
Eşref Aksu

‘assertive multilateralism’ in the forefront of US foreign policy, implying increased US participation in multilateral peace and security operations. With the elimination of the Second World, the ‘North’ became a synonym for the ‘West’. The four-decade old East–West and North–South conflicts were replaced by a more ambiguous pattern of global conflict between the West

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Open Access (free)
Kosovo and the outlines of Europe’s new order
Sergei Medvedev and Peter van Ham

construction. His analysis contributes to the discussion of the implications of US hegemony, originating in the debates of the late 1970s and the 1980s on hegemonic stability. Patomäki starts by reconstructing the US–UN conflict in the 1990s, analysing the deep structures of US foreign policy discourse, and formulating its four guiding principles: unchallenged global leadership; the moralising production of myths and construction of enemies

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

, Risse-Kappen’s key work in this area, is devoted to a series of case studies demonstrating the extent to which the European NATO members were able to influence US foreign policy decision-making through the NATO structures at key junctures during the Cold War. Brenner has also stressed the importance of this factor, writing that ‘the culture of multilateralism [within NATO] eases the apprehensions of weaker states about

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

and civilize and Christianize them, and by God’s grace do the best’. 118 One need not regard the religious touch as mere window-dressing or the epitome of hypocrisy. Apart from McKinley’s genuine religious feelings, 119 bringing together the sacred with the secular, however absurd it may appear to us today, is a proclivity in US foreign policy with a long tradition. 120 In any event, similar pronouncements, though more down to earth, were made by McKinley

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Open Access (free)
Redefining security in the Middle East
Tami Amanda Jacoby and Brent E. Sasley

development vis-à-vis national security and a better understanding of policy options that include the security and protection of the diversity of actors in the region. NOTES 1 However, alignment with the moderate Arab states of the region, particularly in the Persian Gulf, had been a plank of US foreign policy since the

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Evolution of the normative basis
Eşref Aksu

in declaratory US foreign policy, in that human rights were now brought to the fore of international diplomacy. Rhetorical US support for the protection and promotion of human rights found its parallel in the attitudes of other governments as well, albeit on a more selective basis. A classical case is Moscow’s determined propaganda effort in the context of Cambodia (see Chapter 8 ). It was also not

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change