Search results

You are looking at 1 - 10 of 11 items for :

  • Manchester Political Studies x
Clear All
On the return of the Jewish question

Universalism has acted as a stimulus for Jewish emancipation, that is, for civil, political and social inclusion. It has also been a source of anti-Jewish prejudice up to and beyond the classic antisemitism of the modern period. While the experience of Jews is by no means unique in this respect, one of the peculiarities of the 'anti-Judaic' tradition has been to represent Jews in some important regard as the 'other' of the universal: as the personification either of a particularism opposed to the universal, or of a false universalism concealing Jewish self-interest. The former contrasts the particularism of the Jews to the universality of bourgeois civil society. The latter contrasts the bad universalism of the 'rootless cosmopolitan Jew' to the good universalism of whatever universal is advanced: nation, race or class. This book explores debates over Jewish emancipation within the eighteenth-century Enlightenment, contrasting the work of two leading protagonists of Jewish emancipation: Christian von Dohm and Moses Mendelssohn. It discusses the emancipatory power of Karl Marx's critique of Bruno Bauer's opposition to Jewish emancipation and endorsement of The Jewish Question. Marxist debates over the growth of anti-Semitism; Hannah Arendt's critique of three types of Jewish responsiveness--assimilationism, Zionism and cosmopolitanism-- to anti-Semitism; and the endeavours of a leading postwar critical theorist, Jurgen Habermas are also discussed. Finally, the book focuses its critique on left antizionists who threaten to reinstate the Jewish question when they identify Israel and Zionism as the enemies of universalism.

Hannah Arendt’s Jewish writings
Robert Fine and Philip Spencer

perturbed some critics is Arendt's claim that these sources could be ‘consulted with profit’ to find out anything worthwhile about the realities of Jewish life. 23 Some recent readers of Arendt have written approvingly of her co-responsibility thesis in the following sense, that they hold the behaviour of the Jewish state or the ideology of Jewish nationalism or the worldwide machinations of Zionism responsible or partly responsible for outbreaks of

in Antisemitism and the left
Open Access (free)
Universalism and the Jewish question
Robert Fine and Philip Spencer

expect it, and third that it is open to contestation and rarely goes uncontested. In what may broadly be termed ‘the modern age’, the Jewish question has been as repeatedly challenged as it has been advanced: in eighteenth-century debates on Jewish emancipation, in nineteenth-century debates on the pathologies of capitalism and aims of socialism, in twentieth-century debates on antisemitism and the ‘final solution’, and in twenty-first-century debates on Zionism

in Antisemitism and the left
Robert Fine and Philip Spencer

Can Always Blame the Jews’). 2 The most significant expression of the reconfiguring of the Jewish question in the present period lies in the rise of negative representations of Israel and Zionism. While the stigmatisation of the idea of a Jewish nation may be traced back to the Enlightenment credo that everything should be granted to Jews ‘as individuals’ and nothing to Jews ‘as a nation’, it frames

in Antisemitism and the left
Jürgen Habermas and the European left
Robert Fine and Philip Spencer

5 The Jewish question after the Holocaust: Jürgen Habermas and the European left I have, of course, long since abandoned my anti-Zionism, which was based on a confidence in the European labour movement, or, more broadly, in European society and civilisation, which that society and civilisation have not justified. If, instead of arguing against Zionism in the 1920s and 1930s I had urged European

in Antisemitism and the left
Robert Fine and Philip Spencer

tactical utility and it was closed down long before other anti-fascist committees. The first victim was its leading activist and spokesman, the playwright Solomon Mikhoels, who was murdered on Stalin's personal orders in January 1948. Other members, some of them die-hard Stalinists, were arrested, tortured, charged and in almost all cases shot. 39 The two decisive charges laid against leaders of the JAC, those of Zionism and cosmopolitanism, appear at first sight bizarrely

in Antisemitism and the left
Raymond Hinnebusch

policies resembling classic reason of state and directed chiefly at perceived external threats. This unevenness of state formation, issuing from the earlier independence of Turkey and the transplant of a mobilised Zionism into the region meant the Arab states confronted much stronger non-Arab opponents. Stage 2: Preconsolidation praetorianism and divergent paths: revolutionary republics, traditional survival (1949–70) The Palestine War, the struggle to throw off imperialism and the Arab-Israeli conflict rapidly accelerated

in The international politics of the Middle East
Raymond Hinnebusch

, consolidating identification with these states. These relatively secure identities may be more compatible with state-centric reason of state than are supra-state identities such as Pan-Arabism, but they are not necessarily less revisionist or the policies they inspire less conflictual. Trans-national ideologies, such as Pan-Turkism, Zionism and Islam, have still played important roles in each of the non-Arab states, each is engaged in irredentist-inflamed border conflicts with Arab neighbours; and each has, in significant ways, constructed its identity

in The international politics of the Middle East
Raymond Hinnebusch

capabilities on all sides helped preserve the systemic status quo. In addition, the shared elitist (dynastic or oligarchic) ideology of the regimes brought them to accept the rules of a multi-polar system – that no state should endanger the vital interests of its neighbours (Maddy-Weitzman 1993: Mufti 1996: 21–59; Seale 1965: 5–99). The Arab League attempted to both institutionalise respect for the sovereignty of individual states while acknowledging shared Arab identities and facilitating a collective response to the common threat from Zionism. Its legitimacy was, however

in The international politics of the Middle East
Explaining foreign policy variation
Raymond Hinnebusch

Israel. This dual character of the regime generated contradictory pressures on its foreign policy: the first drove it to distance itself, even oppose aspects of US policy connected with Israel; the second dictated close partnership with Washington (Vassiliev 1998: 475–6). The regime historically tried to reconcile this contradiction by insisting that the main threat to Islam came, not from the West, but from atheist communism, of which Zionism was claimed to be an offshoot. The US alignment was therefore justified on the basis of common anti

in The international politics of the Middle East