Strict dichotomies have also characterised the literature concerning disability and measurement. Disability studies developed as a discipline relatively recently, concurrent with social changes concerning the perception of disability and the work of activists campaigning for greater rights for the disabled, starting around the mid-1980s. 85 It is important to emphasise this grounding in political activism because this has influenced the kinds of histories that have been told about disability, and has oriented the focus of these histories. For example
assistive devices, the main force motivating the design of the amplified telephone was user activism. Deaf subscribers’ personal bodily knowledge was turned into a product that the Post Office could sell on. Yet the interplay between the Post Office and its users was more complex than simple appropriation, especially in the 1920s, when, I argue, amplified telephone technology was in a state of ‘interpretive flexibility’, with its meaning not yet fixed or defined. 6 That is, during the interwar years the amplified telephone was neither purely medical nor simply technical
society that they are in. This view falls in line with the ideology inherent to social model thinking about disability, a way of thinking which has had a dramatic impact in advancing the political rights of the disabled in Britain.
The UK activism that led to the 1995 Disabilities Act was characterised by its use of the concept of the social model of disability, which presented a dichotomy between the medical and social model of disability. In disability studies, the medical model represents the imperialism of the medical community over the disabled and its attendant
missionary endeavour, occurred within a period otherwise distinguished, according to Jane Samson, by an emerging sense of ‘imperial benevolence’ in which ‘Christian piety, public duty and particular constructions of race and culture’ informed ‘a powerful alliance between humanitarian activism and naval power’.
The clamour which surrounded the perceived martyrdom of the Royal Navy's ‘strikingly modern’ and Christian luminary thus underlined the dialectical and introspective nature of the much-championed humanitarian ethos
Colonialism and Native Health nursing in New Zealand, 1900–40
85 KT, 5:3 (1912), 76.
86 KT, 10:2 (1917), 70.
87 See also H. M. Harte, ‘Home births to hospital births: interviews with Maori
women who had their babies in the 1930s’, Health and History, 3:1 (2001),
87–108; A. Harris, ‘ “I wouldn’t say I was a midwife”: interviews with Violet
Otene Harris’, Health and History, 3:1 (2001), 109–23. On trends in childbirth
see L. Bryder, ‘ “What women want”: childbirth services and women’s activism in
New Zealand 1900–1960’, in J. Greenlees and L. Bryder (eds), Western Maternity
and Medicine, 1880–1990 (London
possible vaccination. 84 Backed by prominent London Labour politician Peggy Jay, this form of activism caused frustration for the Chief Medical Officer, Sir Henry Yellowlees.
Any campaign by the Spastics Society would be premature and embarrassing. … Overworked staff in the Department are trying their best to prepare for the extension [to rubella vaccination] … At present, this work is being held up while the staff deal with approaches from Mrs Peggy Jay and from the Spastics Society to several different parts of the
participant histories also claim that bioethics drew on ‘the climate of political radicalism and student activism’
to critique professional authority and stand up for the rights of
patients, research subjects and even experimental animals.26 One
early bioethicist argues the field was ‘inextricably linked to public
protests, teach-ins, and to civil rights, antiwar, and pro-feminist
activities’.27 These claims established a dichotomy between radical
bioethicists and a conservative medical profession. And this was
reinforced in the first major history of bioethics, David
American colonial and missionary nurses in Puerto Rico, 1900–30
Winifred C. Connerton
profession and promoted
their growth and activism in a distinctly American approach. Hicks
spent the rest of her career working at St Luke’s in Ponce, finally
retiring in 1938. Neither Hicks nor Whitely declared the primacy of
nursing or nationalism – they went together in all settings of their
work. Success was measured in student achievement and the establishment of the profession on a firm footing in the new territory.
Winifred C. Connerton
Nursing and conflicting perspectives on race
Americanisation of Puerto Rico also included social reorganisation
to align the
indicated how self-care was itself embedded within broader relations of care. As references to medical professionals, special outpatient clinics and a prominent patient association have made clear, responsibility for balance was by no means individualised during this period. Not only did networks of patients and professionals mobilise in new forms of social and political activism, but by 1948 the British state had also assumed a central role in diabetes care by securing access to services, technologies and expertise.
Health as moral economy in the long nineteenth century
www.euro.who.int/en/health-topics/environment-and-health/urban-health/activities/healthy-cities/who-european-healthy-cities-network . Accessed 2 April 2017.
S. L. Smith, Sick and Tired of Being Sick and Tired: Black Women's Health Activism in America, 1890–1950 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995). J. C. Riley's Sick, Not Dead: The