Democratization is a major political phenomenon of the age and has been the focus of a burgeoning political science literature. This book considers democratization across a range of disciplines, from anthropology and economics, to sociology, law and area studies. The construction of democratization as a unit of study reflects the intellectual standpoint of the inquirer. The book highlights the use of normative argument to legitimize the exercise of power. From the 1950s to the 1980s, economic success enabled the authoritarian governments of South Korea and Taiwan to achieve a large measure of popular support despite the absence of democracy. The book outlines what a feminist framework might be and analyses feminist engagements with the theory and practice of democratization. It also shows how historians have contributed to the understanding of the processes of democratization. International Political Economy (IPE) has always had the potential to cut across the levels-of-analysis distinction. A legal perspective on democratization is presented by focusing on a tightly linked set of issues straddling the border between political and judicial power as they have arisen. Classic and contemporary sociological approaches to understanding democracy and democratization are highlighted, with particular attention being accorded to the post-1989 period. The book displays particularities within a common concern for institutional structures and their performance, ranging over the representation of women, electoral systems and constitutions (in Africa) and presidentialism (in Latin America). Both Europe and North America present in their different ways a kind of bridge between domestic and international dimensions of democratization.
the baleful and benign faces of a sovereign state, exercised with due process and regard for people’s common welfare, but became intertwined in an authoritarian governmentality that comprised a ‘complex form of power, which has as its target [the] population’ (censorship, intelligence gathering, disappearance), ‘a whole series of specific governmental apparatuses’ (media surveillance, tasks forces, secret detention centres, rehabilitation programmes), and the ‘governmentalisation of the state’ (state terrorism) to guarantee the survival of Argentina’s cultural
levels of per capita income in the region, but suffered severe political problems during 2001–2. The durability of electoral democracy is also not easy to generalize. Venezuela and Colombia have been free of overt authoritarian government since the 1950s, but the first elected a former coup leader to the presidency and the second is suffering from what seems like an interminable civil war. The experience of democratic rupture has been varied too. Chile has had fewer political upheavals and more policy successes than most democratic countries in the region; but the
vigorous following the adoption of universal adult franchise at independence – but otherwise the case for democracy in poor countries was mostly neglected. From the 1950s to the 1980s, economic success enabled the authoritarian governments of South Korea and Taiwan to achieve a large measure of popular support despite the absence of democracy and notwithstanding serious human rights abuses. This lesson was taken to heart by the Chinese Communist Party, which began the transition to a market economy in the 1970s, the resulting economic growth thereby enabling the party to
Bordering intimacy is a study of how borders and dominant forms of intimacy, such as family, are central to the governance of postcolonial states such as Britain. The book explores the connected history between contemporary border regimes and the policing of family with the role of borders under European and British empires. Building upon postcolonial, decolonial and black feminist theory, the investigation centres on how colonial bordering is remade in contemporary Britain through appeals to protect, sustain and make family life. Not only was family central to the making of colonial racism but claims to family continue to remake, shore up but also hide the organisation of racialised violence in liberal states. Drawing on historical investigations, the book investigates the continuity of colonial rule in numerous areas of contemporary government – family visa regimes, the policing of sham marriages, counterterror strategies, deprivation of citizenship, policing tactics, integration policy. In doing this, the book re-theorises how we think of the connection between liberal government, race, family, borders and empire. In using Britain as a case, this opens up further insights into the international/global circulations of liberal empire and its relationship to violence.
, authoritarian government, arbitrary policy-making and excessive military spending. There are many potential pathways to these perverse outcomes; we have little detailed insight into which of them really matter, and how they interact. And we have to be very careful to point out that all these statistical patterns are not iron laws. We know what is likely to happen when countries become exporters of point natural resources, but, for individual countries, we cannot predict the outcomes with certainty. Implications From this perspective, we can be optimistic that Brazil – a big
donors and authoritarian government alike, who had prioritised what they saw as a technologically defined crisis of land management and a conventionally described model of economic development. The path-dependent starting point of the Kathmandu example opens up the city as a site of potential, an arena of possibility. It does not contradict the economically optimal, but it drives change through the use of different lenses to define the problem to which policy intervention is addressed. A problem of economic sustainability is redefined through a lens of public
innocence and idea, the space and time, of India. 17 Emergences These mid-twentieth-century modernists had arguably anticipated the unraveling of the South Asian nations from the 1960s onwards. If in Pakistan such undoing entailed the central place of authoritarian governments and military regimes, in India the idealism of the past was replaced by a manipulative politics, cynical
than the short-term intellectual fashions of any particular age. Attempts to base society on abstract principles, such as the French Revolution’s ‘Liberty, Equality, Fraternity’, were particularly dangerous and would have, as the Revolution clearly demonstrated, calamitous results. During the nineteenth century, while conservative thinkers in Europe tended to stress monarchy and authoritarian government
authoritarian government between 1973 and 1985, Uruguay enjoyed democracy during the whole of the twentieth century, and is the Latin America country that has had the longest democracy (Cason 2000). Uruguay’s dictatorship was not as ruthless as that in Argentina but a bit more restrictive than in Brazil in relation to the repression of left-wing ideology and activism. It was not a personal dictatorship and during its twelve years there were different individuals in power. In 1980 the referendum for the constitution proposed by the military was rejected, but it marked the