Language, education and the Catholic Church
Alex J. Bellamy

of communist rule.111 Many people within the Church itself shared this view of the relationship between Church and nation. Friar Ilija ™ivkoviç, Secretary to the Croatian Bishops Conference and head of the Croatian Catholic radio station, argued that through its very existence the Church acted as a voice for the nation and helped to perpetuate Croatian identity, for example by allowing the singing of the Croatian national anthem during Church services.112 Likewise, Cardinal Kuhariç, head of the Croatian Church until his death in 1996, argued that the Church should

in The formation of Croatian national identity
Open Access (free)
Chris Toumey

Testament better than the one of the Old, there arose a new complication. A hierarchy of popes and bishops emerged to shape and dispense our knowledge of God. Another improvement became necessary. Martin Luther and others showed 500 years ago that each of us could know God personally and directly without needing clerics and theologians to manage our knowledge of God. Is there an equivalent to the Protestant Reformation in non-scientists’ knowledge of science? Do we need experts, and if so how do we need them, and how much do we need them? After I finished my work on

in Science and the politics of openness
Open Access (free)
The beast that no-one could – or should – control?
Stephen Curry

developing and maintaining public trust (Boulton et al., 2012; Stilgoe et al., 2013), and that scientists have a duty to respond intelligently when confronted by challenges to their research, the upsurge in such challenges engendered by social media can pose severe difficulties. As Lewandowsky and Bishop have pointed out, ‘openness can be exploited by opponents who are keen to stall inconvenient research’ because campaigners may not be ‘committed to informed debate’ (Lewandowsky and Bishop, 2016). These may be difficult debates for the scientific community, but they are

in Science and the politics of openness
Arthur B. Gunlicks

Charlemagne, a part of what would become the Holy Roman Empire. This empire consisted of hundreds of political units of widely varying sizes and shapes, including noncontiguous territories, speaking different dialects and developing different cultures, headed by kings, princes, dukes, counts, bishops, and various and assorted minor nobility generally referred to as knights. Those who lived within the borders of the empire were not all Germans by today’s standards, but most were even if they did not know it. For in the middle ages, people did not think in terms of

in The Länder and German federalism
Interpreting the unions–party link
Steve Ludlam

-wingers, which, combined with the Soft Left shift of some MPs, gave Foot an anti-Bennite NEC majority for the first time. Key unions now imposed a truce inside the party, in the so-called ‘Peace of Bishop’s Stortford’ brokered at the ASTMS training college. So there was realignment on the union Left in the 1970s, and it was the newly radicalised public service unions, seeking allies as sectoral division in the TUC left them vulnerable to Labour’s fiscal deflation, that gave it a reach beyond the traditional Broad Left. And it did prefigure the Hard Left–Soft Left division of

in Interpreting the Labour Party
Stuart White

ascriptive characteristics such as gender and race where there is an authoritative view within a given religious association that such characteristics are in some way relevant to the performance of certain ecclesiastical duties.17 By itself, however, the relevance principle does not place anything like a sufficient limit on the freedom of religious associations to discriminate in employment. To see why it is insufficient, consider another court case from the US, the notorious case of Corporation of the Presiding Bishop of the Church of Latter Day Saints v. Amos.18 In the

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
Open Access (free)
Publics, hybrids, transparency, monsters and the changing landscape around science
Stephen Turner

century Karl Pearson was promoting a vision of modernity shorn of religion, with scientists as the new priests and the state, run by experts, as the new object of veneration (1888: 20, 130–131, 133–134). With it came a model for science education in which workers were taught elementary science with the goal of impressing on them the greatness of science and its authority. By the 1920s, fear of the effects of science led to calls for a moratorium on new discoveries by the Bishop of Ripon (Burroughs, 1927: 32). In the 1930s, under the influence of Marxism, a vast body of

in Science and the politics of openness
Alex J. Bellamy

counter-Magyar national programme. MUP_Bellamy_04_Ch3 43 9/3/03, 9:23 T   C   44 This programme, which also articulated a linguistic alternative to Hungarian and Latin, began in the 1830s and 1840s and became known as the Illyrian movement.85 Initially, Illyrianism was a cultural movement inspired by the poetry of Ljudevit Gaj and Janko Draskoviç, but after 1841 it became the dominant political and national ideology among intellectuals and the bourgeois strata of Croatian society under the tutelage of Bishop Josip Strossmayer

in The formation of Croatian national identity
David Bruce MacDonald

flints. As Biljana Vankovska argues, the first interpretation was Sama Srbija Sebe Spasila – ‘Serbia Alone Delivered Herself’, which then changed to Samo Sloga Srbe Spasava – ‘Only Unity Saves the Serbs’, reflecting the fear of 70 2441Chapter3 16/10/02 8:04 am Page 71 Slobodan Milošević and the construction of Serbophobia internal enemies.33 Such symbols of counteridentification would be strengthened through the well-known epic poem ‘The Mountain Wreath’, written by Petar Petrović-Njegoš, a prince-bishop from Montenegro. This nineteenthcentury poem glorified

in Balkan holocausts?
Kevin Harrison
Tony Boyd

the writings of other theorists. The Latin American bishop Oscar Romero of San Salvador has in the twentieth century reiterated this view: ‘When a dictatorship seriously violates human rights …, when it becomes unbearable and closes channels of dialogue …, the church speaks of the legitimate right of insurrectional violence.’ 2 The main criteria were that oppression was intolerable, that no other means were available, that

in Understanding political ideas and movements