Bordering intimacy is a study of how borders and dominant forms of intimacy, such as family, are central to the governance of postcolonial states such as Britain. The book explores the connected history between contemporary border regimes and the policing of family with the role of borders under European and British empires. Building upon postcolonial, decolonial and black feminist theory, the investigation centres on how colonial bordering is remade in contemporary Britain through appeals to protect, sustain and make family life. Not only was family central to the making of colonial racism but claims to family continue to remake, shore up but also hide the organisation of racialised violence in liberal states. Drawing on historical investigations, the book investigates the continuity of colonial rule in numerous areas of contemporary government – family visa regimes, the policing of sham marriages, counterterror strategies, deprivation of citizenship, policing tactics, integration policy. In doing this, the book re-theorises how we think of the connection between liberal government, race, family, borders and empire. In using Britain as a case, this opens up further insights into the international/global circulations of liberal empire and its relationship to violence.
The ‘massacres of ’60’
( madhabih al-sittin ), as they are known in Lebanon and Syria,
which started in April and continued until July, were premeditated 22 in the sense that the Maronites were planning an
all-out attack against the Druzes, the aim being the creation of a Maronite
protectorate under France. 23 The
Maronites had been mobilized by their notables and clerics, headed by ‘Awn,
the Maronite bishop of Beirut, and prepared themselves with
Association and distinction in politics and religion
the spiritual governing elites. Humanity as a whole might be distinguished by its plumage, but bishops, judges, generals, and monarchs appeared to engage with special intensity in the embellishment, in all possible ways, of the human person. An ordinary soldier might earn and wear a few medals, but a general will wear dozens, and a president scores. The political and social elevation of an elite is enmeshed with the elevated intensity with which its identity at the head of a hierarchy is cultivated. The general wears a uniform to show he is a soldier, but the
grounds as a place to recreate Afro-Caribbean communities.
Bishops is a 69-year-old black Barbadian-Canadian
supporter who migrated to Canada in 1989, but has been visiting Toronto
to work and stay with family since 1962. He umpired for the Mavericks
from the time he migrated until he developed cataracts in the early
2000s. Bishops still arrives to every home game at least an hour early
took the authority structures
of the household into those same workplaces.
One powerful example comes from a unique source: the weekly account of
an early fifteenth-century forgemaster, surviving in the records of the Durham
Cursitor. The bishops of Durham, in their capacity as Earls Palatine during the
Middle Ages, enjoyed the proprietorship of all mines within the bounds of the
count palatine of Durham. Such mines were usually farmed out but Bishop
Langley in 1408 tried the experiment of smelting and working his own iron. The
resulting account roll survived and was
anything left to constitute any further reality.
Clothes construct the social person
It was in the tradition of Burke rather than Paine, though with rather different political intent, that Virginia Woolf included in her essay on gendered politics, Three Guineas, photographs of men in the elaborate regalia of their public roles – judges, generals, university vice chancellors, and bishops. Clothing, although it is only the most immediate aspect of cultivated identity, nonetheless is evidence and a component not just of personal
that I return to in the next section.
Family taxonomies, marriage and immigration control
For the features of primitive life, we must look, not to tribes of kirghiz
type, but to those of Central Africa, the wilds of America, the hills of
India, and the islands of the Pacific; with some of whom we find marriage
Making love, making empire
laws unknown, the family system undeveloped, and even the only
acknowledged blood-relationship through the mother.
McLennan (1865: 8)
In a series of letters and reports sent to the Colonial Office in 1872, the
(London: Atlantic Books, 2009).
In 1979 the Monty Python film Life of Brian was
treated as blasphemous by various religious groups and local authorities in the
UK and the US. It was condemned as such by Malcolm Muggeridge and Mervyn
Stockwood, the Bishop of Southwark, in a BBC televised debate.
See Paul Berman's compelling reflections on this
, and every aspect of identity becomes part of the politics of transition and revolution or of the defence of identities which until that point had been tacit, unobtrusive, and mundane. Human plumage, like the quills of the porcupine or the hair of the cat, is flaunted and flared not in moments of calm but in moments of crisis, and personality and identity are most attended to in times of transition. In the controversies within the Christian church in England in 603, the simple failure of Archbishop Augustine of Canterbury to rise to greet the bishops of the Celtic
recognition and rights, particularly Afro-Venezuelan and Afro-Brazilian movements. They assert presence
as well as reminding all of the violent institution of transatlantic slavery. Third,
the Chiapas diocese under Bishop Samuel Ruiz had a distinct liberationist direction in the lead-up to the Zapatista rebellion. Ruiz urged close links with groups
in Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador and Peru, unquestionably putting broader
solidarities on the agenda for the Chiapas communities. How substantial the consequences of liberation theology are after more than five decades must