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Susan M. Johns

chasuble to the monks of Saint-Évroul, and Adeline, the wife of Roger of Beaumont, gave them an ‘alb richly ornamented with orphrey’.11 Queen Matilda, the wife of Henry I, established an Augustinian house of canons, patronised other religious institutions and made personal gifts of bronze candlesticks to Hildebart of Lavardin and Cluny.12 She provided Chartres with two bells and Westminster Abbey with liturgical garments.13 Queen Matilda received a letter and prayer composed for her by Bishop Herbert Losinga of Norwich in 1118.14 The prayer to St John is a lyrical plea

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm
Open Access (free)
Susan M. Johns

participation as witnesses. This variability of rates of female participation can be seen in the cases of individual women. In the early twelfth century Matilda de L’Aigle, 87 noblewomen and power the wife of Nigel d’Aubigny, witnessed three of his charters during her marriage to him (1107–18), 50 per cent of the sample.49 She witnesses as coniuge mea, and is third witness after Thomas archbishop of York and Ranulf Flambard bishop of Durham in two, and second witness after Archbishop Thomas in the third. All three charters were in favour of religious houses: Bec, St Peter

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm
Susan M. Johns

Clerkenwell.9 Muriel de Munteni also used her influence to secure additional gifts to Clerkenwell during her second marriage. In a charter of 1176–79 she and Maurice de Totham (d. before 1196) conjointly granted various rights in the land they held of the bishop of London, a charter which was witnessed by Robert and Michael de Munteni and Roger, son of Maurice.10 Muriel also witnessed a grant made by Maurice in 1181–86, as did her daughter Lecia, as well as Roger and John, the sons of Maurice, and Michael de Munteni.11 Maurice also made three other donations to Clerkenwell

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm
Open Access (free)
Susan M. Johns

tradition recorded at the local shire court, after the death of Gerard de Camville in 1215 Nichola left the castle and went to meet John with its keys in her hand to argue that she was too old to defend it. John replied to his ‘beloved Nichola’ that she should keep the castle until he ordered otherwise.65 The Histoire de la Guillame le Maréchal, written about 1226, shows that Nichola’s defence of Lincoln facilitated the penetration of Lincoln by Peter des Roches bishop of Winchester before the final battle which ended the siege. He entered the castle by a secret entrance

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm
Open Access (free)
Susan M. Johns

to the cultural context of the pastoral roles of bishops, and his work is especially useful for the way it locates biblical imagery as a key influence.10 He has related seal iconography to the use of seals in the twelfth century by the nobility in the contexts of the wider cultural changes due to the twelfth-century renaissance.11 Women’s seals have been particularly poorly served. C. H. Hunter Blair briefly considered women’s seals, but he was interested in the development of armorial devices and his approach was descriptive rather than analytical.12 The seals of

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm
Open Access (free)
Susan M. Johns

, able to put aside their personal antagonisms in the period 1190–95, when they both wrote to Richard bishop of London, asking him to help the canons of Fougères get possession of land in Cheshunt (Hertfordshire). Ranulf ’s letter was written in support of that of his wife, a rare intervention in the affairs of Brittany.75 The land in question was of the gift of both Earl Conan, Constance’s father, and Constance herself. It was land of her inheritance, which explains both her interest and the fact that she attached her seal to her letter. She was also defined through

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm
James Paz

tears in glas martyrdom, whereby tears of penance express the element of water in the human body, binding that body to the environment in which it suffers. In the anonymous Life of Cuthbert, one often encounters the saint weeping or others weeping before him. When, for instance, Cuthbert is elected to the bishopric of Lindisfarne, we are told that King Ecgfrith and Bishop Tumma come to him in his cell, and lead him away unwillingly, ‘lacrimans et flens’ [weeping and wailing] (IV.1). The tears demonstrate Cuthbert’s reluctance to forsake his solitary life, but they may

in Nonhuman voices in Anglo-Saxon literature and material culture
Enigmas, agency and assemblage
James Paz

and reliquaries. 46 See Page, Introduction to English Runes, pp. 25, 31; Webster, ‘Stylistic Aspects of the Franks Casket’, pp. 28–​30. 47 Wood, ‘Franks Casket in the Early Middle Ages’, pp. 5–​6. 137 The riddles of the Franks Casket 137 48 Stephen of Ripon, The Life of Bishop Wilfrid by Eddius Stephanus, ed. and trans. Bertram Colgrave (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1927). 49 Peter Brown, The Rise of Western Christendom (Oxford:  Blackwell, 2003), p. 357. 50 Ibid., p. 360. 51 See Stephen of Ripon, Life of Wilfrid, chapter 5. 52 Michelle Brown

in Nonhuman voices in Anglo-Saxon literature and material culture
Open Access (free)
Nicola McDonald

whom he fraternises). Percy’s embarrassment with his medieval relic and with the volumes of poetry that issued from it and the other dilapidated manuscripts he consulted, something he excuses in a later letter to John Pinkerton as the ‘follies’ of ‘my youth’,12 was to become so intense that by the time he was confirmed as Lord Bishop of Dromore he refused to sign his name to the Reliques’ fourth edition; a nephew, conveniently called Thomas Percy, stepped into the breach. What Percy’s narratives (the stories he inscribes on his manuscript and in the trajectory of his

in Pulp fictions of medieval England
Suzanne Conklin Akbari

/18/03, 16:57 28 Suzanne Conklin Akbari sacerdotal robes and bearing in their hands the cross and the images of the saints’, and singles out the Bishop of Puy who, in pressing the battle forward, ‘was continually offering himself as a sacrifice for the Lord’.22 The Bishop, in William’s account, both offers sacrifice (in the Mass) and is the sacrifice (in the battle). This is a double role that Turpin will also play in the Siege of Melayne. The crusade chronicles also provide a rich background for the second aspect of the religious content of the poem, that is, the

in Pulp fictions of medieval England