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the question of jurisdiction: over what domain is the democratic body we are about to constitute authorized to take decisions? By a domain here I mean a geographical area – a territory – within which the decisions that the democracy is going to take will be applied. 2 Then there is the question of inclusion: who will form part of the relevant demos that makes these decisions, in the sense of being eligible to vote in elections and referendums, stand for office
and can be characterised in terms of activist citizenship. For example, from the early 1970s, the Romani movement created citizenship ruptures beyond European national as well as EU borders: from the activists advocating against the pejorative term ‘Gypsy’ in favour of the more inclusive term ‘Roma’ during the World Romani Congresses, to constructing an idea of Roma being a trans-border non-territorial nation with a flag and anthem as well as the first representative body, the International Romani Union (Klímová-Alexander, 2005 ; Rövid, 2011b ). In a similar vein
from Britain, France, the Netherlands or Germany; yet others have situated the region's national identities in genuine solidarity with the subjects of colonial oppression and the marginalisation of blackness. The puzzle of how the same collective identities could lend themselves to both positions is the subject of this book. Translations of Black European dance music: national and racialised bodies The most unambiguous identification of nationhood with Europeanness through an explicitly racialised geopolitical imagination in
, language, and the body; 18 critical discussions of imperial travel, exhibitory orders, and museum collections; 19 deft analyses of colonial representations; 20 astute probing of the politics under empire of art, literature, culture, and consumption; 21 and striking work on sexuality, race, and desire as shaping the metropolis and the margins. 22 The
citizen’ (III: 468). This doctrine manifests itself in a state where to ‘die for one’s country becomes … martyrdom’ (III: 465). There is evidently, a link between this view of patriotism as martyrdom and that developed in Projet de Constitution pour la Corse where he crafts an oath a allegiance to the nation which involved this: ‘ I join myself – body, goods, will and all my powers – to the Corsican nation; granting her the full ownership of me, myself and all that depends upon me. I swear to live and die for her’ (III: 943, italics added). Rousseau does not, therefore
not want to see black bodies at the beach with white bodies lounging carelessly nearby. Black bodies will only be acceptable in the uniforms of servants: maids, bartenders, lawns men and concierges. Saladino did not come to Canouan because he loved the people but because he loved the property.’ Searchlight , 9 February 2001, 11
is only appropriate that I now introduce the key tendencies that both influence my wider work and carry key implications for this Theory for a Global Age series. 9 Here are to be found bodies of writing that have been deeply contentious and that I read critically in Subjects of Modernity . For these reasons, it is only after presenting their emphases and attending to the protocols of their
, and silenced again in post-conflict settlements (Dević 1997 ; Gagnon 2004 ; Hromadžić 2015 ); and shown how intersecting ideologies of gender, sexuality and nation turn bodies into symbolic battlegrounds and women and sexual minorities into material targets of ethnopolitical violence, across and within ethnicised boundaries (Mostov 2000 ; Žarkov 2007 ; Helms 2008 ). Despite this literature's concern with legacies of historic violence in the present, however, it rarely opens the question that would connect the region with an element of
: When the legislative and executive powers are united in the same person, or in the same body of magistrates, there can be no liberty … Again, there is no liberty if the judiciary power be not separated from the legislative and executive. Were it joined with the legislative, the life and liberty of the subject would be exposed to arbitrary control; for the judge might behave with violence and oppression. There would be an end to everything, were the same man, or the same body, whether nobles or of the people, to exercise those three powers, that of enacting laws, that
food offerings. The ‘Shaker’ or shaking aspect that concerned outsiders have focused on is represented by Stephens as the use of the body like a musical instrument, as opposed to drums, which were forbidden. Both historians accept that many who joined the Shakers were probably at one time members of St Vincent’s (Wesleyan) Methodist congregations. Methodist ministers were the most active missionaries