victims of murder have ‘a colour, a class and an address’. And in making the victims visible, in humanising the data, he argues that Rio de Janeiro can be seen as a microcosm of the country at large. Soares has described his own paradoxical love–hate relationship with the city in the extraordinary book Rio de Janeiro: Extreme city ( 2016 ). The book is part autobiography of his own attempts to challenge the pandemic of violent death, and part an interdisciplinary mixture of a sociology of the city’s favelas, an anthropology of the regimes of metropolitan governance
health gains precedence over what health means across different life prisms, which include culture, gender, class and age. In this introduction we not only introduce the volume as a whole but also argue that a synthesis of complex systems theory and analysis of common pool resource problems at the heart of urban public health initiatives demands a reconfigured interdisciplinary coalition of scholarship and praxis to think about the interface of the new urban science and the citizens, communities and governments of everyday cities globally. We identify three aspects
hyperliberal restructuring could feed a depoliticisation of labour by reinforcing the image of a spent force. The prevailing common sense begins to see the elite-level actions of national governments and corporate managers as the sole legitimate ‘researchable’ agents in the restructuring of work. Amoore_Global_07_Ch6 140 6/19/02, 1:50 PM Globalisation at work 141 In subsuming work into understandings of production and capital, IPE analysis does tend to treat labour as a singular force, and workers as a naturalised category of class that maps on to a global proletariat
multiscalar geographical networks and position in socio-economic hierarchies at the individual level such as class, gender, ethnic background, income and education (Björling & Fredriksson, 2018 ). Swedish spatial planning as an example also illustrates how differences in quality of life are enhanced by the fact that the historical growth-oriented ideal and industrial logic
was the product of an unholy alliance between the farmers and landowners who politically controlled rural England and the radical middle-class reformers who formulated post-war legislation. The former group had a vested interest in preserving the status quo, while the latter, epitomised by the nature-loving Hampstead Fabian who
showed that well-being was significantly higher in most of the urban–rural classes as compared to large urban areas (used here as a reference group). The exception was remote rural areas where well-being levels were not significantly different to the reference group. This is unlikely to reflect a lack of statistical power; although the rural remote sample was much smaller than the large urban areas reference
-being among populations in these areas and fostering out-migration to other areas, with Davidson ( 2008 ) coining the phrase ‘neighbourhood resource displacement’ to refer to situations where changes in service provision foster movement away from gentrifying areas. Butler et al. ( 2013 , p. 565) also argue that a sense of social solidarity, or similarity, is a key influence in middle-class
the economism and determinism of orthodox accounts have tended to focus on restoring agency to explanations of globalisation. Globalisation is represented as a project that is driven by the conscious political actions of identifiable individual and collective agents. In contrast to the globalist emphasis on technological and economic process, here we have globalisation as either promoted or resisted by governments within distinctive national capitalisms (Hirst and Thompson, 1996; Weiss, 1998), by a transnational class with common interests in a neo-liberal global
of a bounded national debate into an international discourse on global restructuring. In a second conceptualisation, globalisation is represented as a transnational project that is furthered through the actions of MNCs, financiers, or a global class or resisted through the actions of new social movements and trade unions. Despite a clear reinvestment of politics, the political tends to be viewed as organised, formalised and institutionalised activity. In an era when labour flexibilisation is making efforts to deunionise and depoliticise the workplace, there is a
housing, formal middle-class housing and state-subsidised housing for the urban poor. The project used diverse methods and activities in order to gather data. It has primarily adopted a mixed qualitative methods approach, underpinned by ideas of comparative urbanism on the one hand and a commitment to seeing the peripheries from the ‘everyday’ perspectives of those who live within them, on the other. The research activities encompassed solicited diaries, auto-photography and interviews with residents in case study sites, accompanied by surveys of a