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Open Access (free)
Susan M. Johns

Adela for death. This network of spiritual guidance and social intercourse was normal and part of the culture of aristocratic and noble women – indeed, the women of the Conqueror’s family were particularly prominent as patrons.23 Adela attracted the attention of important clergy who were keen to foster relations with her. For example, Baudri abbot of Bourgueil (1079–1130) wrote a poem of 1,367 lines for Adela which describes the furnishings and rich decorations of her hall and bedchamber.24 It used to be thought that the rich visual imagery and the detail in his

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm
Open Access (free)
Susan M. Johns

shaped the experience of noblewomen, but also to provide a cautionary account of the degree to which such sources present an external view of the societies in which noblewomen exercised power. Saints’ lives provide the opportunity to assess the way that the power of noblewomen interacted with, and to an extent drew upon, the authority of the church – recognising too that these vitae were created by a more or less misogynist male clergy who yet had to respond to the reality of the close involvement of their subjects’ interaction with the power of women. When text

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm
Open Access (free)
Susan M. Johns

. 338. 56 Blair, ‘Armorials upon English seals’, p. 258. 57 R. N. Swanson, ‘Angels incarnate: clergy and masculinity from Gregorian reform to Reformation’ in Hadley (ed.), Masculinity in Medieval Europe, p. 174. 58 For the seals of male ecclesiastics see Heslop, ‘Seals’, in English Romanesque Art, nos 338–47. 59 Nos 76 (c. 1200), 142 (1150). 60 T. A. Heslop, ‘English seals in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries’, in J. Alexander and P. Binsky (eds), Age of Chivalry (London: Royal Academy of Arts, in association with Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1987), p. 116; Harvey and

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm
James Paz

‘must have been less accessible, comprehensible perhaps only to the educated clergy and a few unusually learned princes and nobles’ with a more restricted appeal to ordinary pilgrims.80 However, while the Lindisfarne Gospels may have been read by very few, they did display a visual power. Even if it could not always be read, the Word of God could still be seen. Hawkes highlights the manner in which the decorated pages (the evangelist portraits, the cross-​carpet pages and the initial pages) present complex visual commentaries on the succeeding Latin text. These pages

in Nonhuman voices in Anglo-Saxon literature and material culture
Open Access (free)
John Lydgate’s ‘Soteltes for the coronation banquet of Henry VI’
Heather Blatt

. In contrast, the rest of the court, clergy, and prominent London citizenry seated at the tables, and even the common citizenry assembled to watch from galleries, most probably heard the verses as they were read aloud, perhaps as the subtleties were processed into the hall. That reading aloud of the subtleties adds a vocal aspect to their materiality, one that could intersect with the acoustics of the hall. In these ways, the materiality of the Great Hall at Westminster affects the material process of engaging with the subtleties by creating contexts for reading the

in Participatory reading in late-medieval England
Suzanne Conklin Akbari

they passed on the streets. With the sudden change in spirit one could see the Christians go out as spirited horses, rattle their arms, wave their spears, and boisterously celebrate with acts and speeches.’21 In his account of the siege of Antioch, written before 1185 on the eve of the fall of Acre to Saladin during the Third Crusade, William of Tyre amplifies Raymond’s account to accentuate both the devastating hunger of the crusaders and the devotion of the clergy attending them: ‘the bodies of beasts which had died of suffocation or disease were dug up and

in Pulp fictions of medieval England
Open Access (free)
What lovers want
Arlyn Diamond

Paintings (Oxford, 1963). 41 Rickert, Painting in Britain, pp. 162–3. 42 Caroline Babington, Tracy Manning and Sophie Stewart, Our Painted Past (London, 1999), p. 30. McKisack lists the wide range of those invited to attend parliament in the later Middle Ages: ‘lords spiritual and temporal, certain councillors and officials, proctors for the clergy, and representatives of shires, cities, and boroughs’: The Fourteenth Century, p. 182. 43 Ward, English Noblewomen, pp. 71–3; Parsons, ‘Introduction’, p. 10. 44 W. M. Ormrod, ‘In bed with Joan of Kent’, in Jocelyn Wogan

in Pulp fictions of medieval England
Simha Goldin

financing and supporting converts to Christianity.40 This tendency continued after the thirteenth century, and emerges clearly from the writings of Pope John XXII during the 1320s, in the wake of severe harm to the Jews. On the face of it, John XXII protects the Jews and advises the clergy not to force them to convert, but in the same breath strengthens the Christianity of those who had converted, even under duress, and emphasizes that one may not deprive them of their property. The reason given is that it would be absurd should people who enjoyed worldly goods and were

in Apostasy and Jewish identity in High Middle Ages Northern Europe