portrait of the co-operative movement is one of a voluntary, nominally non-state organisation that exerted considerable influence over the economy and character of an emergent nation-state.
I start with an examination of the IAOS leadership and the focus then moves between the national and local layers of the co-operative movement from the 1890s onwards. In this latter regard, understanding the role of the co-operative organiser is crucial. The IAOS's Executive Committee consisted of landlords, Catholic clergy, industrialists, Unionists and
moral teachings. Hobbes was the theorist of an institution that needed to
decide between beliefs in order to impose them, through schools and the
clergy, on every member of the population.
One reason that legitimacy was more of a problem for Hobbes
than his precursors was thus his need to justify new types of government
activity. But in any case a dogma about method helped to propel him in the
same direction. He wanted to give
massive state spending) eroded fixed incomes, while capital-intensive industrialisation generated insufficient jobs to absorb urbanised job-seekers. The frustration of raised expectation combined with growing inequality, which was de-legitimised by the egalitarian norms preached by both Marxists and oppositionist Islam, stimulated revolutionary sentiment (Halliday 1996: 50–3). At the same time, the Westernisation of Iran associated with oil-based development antagonised those, notably the Islamic clergy, who feared the threat of ‘Westoxification’ to the integrity of
much as religious identity is constructed, cultivated, and sustained by language. Language creates both common identities and separation and exclusion. Since the rise of modern nationalism, speaking and writing in the vernacular have been a part of the collective identity of a people or a nation, just as previously a more universal or less geographically rooted and restricted language had been part of the identity of elites: Latin for scholars and clergy throughout European Christendom; French for aristocrats and intellectuals in northern and eastern Europe, where
Offline and online games, branding and humanitarianism at the Roskilde
Lene Bull Christiansen and Mette Fog Olwig
spirit of turning normal hierarchies of authority upside down, of
mocking the clergy and of using laughter and bodily functions as mediums
for this mockery, appear far removed from the Company Karma imagery
associated with Christian Stadil’s Buddhist fashion iconography and the
Hummel brand. Likewise, it seems strange that the seriousness of the
online representations of the young asylum-seekers and the young
the nobility, the Second the clergy, and the Third was the
rest of society.
Those on the political right stress
patriotism, order, social discipline, traditional values, suspicion of
over-powerful governments, and freedom and individuality as a higher
political ‘good’ than equality. The centre has somewhat
different political values, involving less inequality, a greater role for the state in
the archiepiscopate of Canterbury, to graft his teaching and his worship onto the existing beliefs and practices of his potential flock, building new churches on old pre-Christian sacred sites, not in order to obliterate those sites but to secure continuity with existing religious loyalties. The Christian church when it began proselytising in South America, followed the same practice. 50 Both clergy and laity in Reformation and post-Reformation Europe employed similar devices of continuity with sacred sites in nature, although the cultivation of continuity between
such a clear resource of traditional costumery. Medieval warriors distinguished themselves with heraldry, but they also disguised themselves, if kings, with duplication, an early response to the lethal or potentially lethal consequence of the extremes of identity distinction. Heraldry says who you are, uniform, like livery, says whom you serve. There have been times when senior clergy dressed not distinctively as clergy, but distinctively as rich and powerful members of a superior layer of the population. Uniforms are a feature of societies where identity is
. Furthermore, members of the Catholic clergy helped to establish the co-operative movement at a local level. Parish priests and curates played an important brokerage role when they worked to create local support for a proposed creamery or credit society. In effect, the IAOS formed a site for a new co-operative élite to discuss the implications of its movement's project.
Keen observers of rural developments outside Ireland watched the unfolding agrarian experiment taking place with great interest. The IAOS represented one of the most prominent agrarian
let loose three great agencies, the IAOS, the Gaelic League, and the Department upon the work.
Diffusion of the co-operative model required concerted action between not only national agents such as the IAOS and Gaelic League, but also local influential brokers such as the clergy. On occasion this social co-operation produced cordial relations that transcended traditional sectarian divisions. To highlight this effect, the Homestead 's report on Dromore concluded with an incident that demonstrated