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Pacifism and feminism in Victorian Britain
Heloise Brown

substantial characteristics of both of these ideologies. Pacifist analyses of power relations between nations and the effects of military force were combined with feminist understandings of the ways in which women were oppressed. Ideas evolved which encompassed both the claim that women had the right to define their own place in society, and also the desire to renounce war and establish alternative models of conflict resolution. As a result, specifically ‘pacifist feminist’ standpoints can be identified which denote a politics where the two modes of analysis are applied

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
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Pacifist feminism in the IAPA
Heloise Brown

Women were often represented in their traditional role as mothers, and pacifist feminists frequently emphasised the special reasons why women as a sex would benefit from an end to war – usually via the argument that women suffered through losing husbands and sons – but there was also great interest in ungendered questions of international arbitration and conflict resolution. Auxiliaries such as the Women’s Committee engaged with similar arguments to the mainstream peace movement, and Concord regularly carried a ‘Women’s Column’ that covered publications or speeches on

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
Feminist journals and peace questions
Heloise Brown

to condemn war as a means of conflict resolution. ‘War’, she wrote, ‘should be the last resort after negotiation and arbitration have failed.’ She criticised not only the ‘dynastic’ forces which were causing working men to die on behalf of a quarrel that was between governments, but also the treatment of women in war: if our sympathies are aroused on behalf of the masses of Frenchmen plunged into war . . . what must they be for the nations of French and German women on whom the burden and the misery of war falls in an equal or even greater measure than on men, and

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
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Svante Norrhem and Erik Thomson

Statistics 48.3 (August 1966), 266–279, and for a more recent review of the literature, Todd Sandler, ‘The Economic Theory of Alliances’, The Journal of Conflict Resolution 37.3 (September 1993), 446–483. For an international-relations point of view, see Glenn H. Snyder, Alliance Politics (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993). 33 Olson and Zeckhauser, ‘An Economic Theory of Alliances’, esp. p. 269. 14 Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation of state-formation, and Tilly articulated this orientation pithily by asking ‘How War Made States, and States Made War’. In

in Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation in Europe, 1494–1789
Kirsti Bohata, Alexandra Jones, Mike Mantin and Steven Thompson

industrial relations of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Despite the existence of various mechanisms of collective bargaining, conflict resolution and conciliation, still the industry was marked by a greater propensity to industrial action and strike activity than other areas of the economy.13 Moreover, the troubled history of the industry had profound consequences for industrial relations in Britain more generally as the miners’ ‘triple alliance’ with rail and transport workers led to a major dispute in 1921 and as trouble in the coal industry led to

in Disability in industrial Britain