substantial characteristics of both of
these ideologies. Pacifist analyses of power relations between nations and
the effects of military force were combined with feminist understandings of the ways in which women were oppressed. Ideas evolved which
encompassed both the claim that women had the right to define their
own place in society, and also the desire to renounce war and establish
alternative models of conflictresolution. As a result, specifically ‘pacifist
feminist’ standpoints can be identified which denote a politics where
the two modes of analysis are applied
Women were often represented
in their traditional role as mothers, and pacifist feminists frequently
emphasised the special reasons why women as a sex would benefit
from an end to war – usually via the argument that women suffered
through losing husbands and sons – but there was also great interest in
ungendered questions of international arbitration and conflictresolution.
Auxiliaries such as the Women’s Committee engaged with similar arguments to the mainstream peace movement, and Concord regularly carried
a ‘Women’s Column’ that covered publications or speeches on
to condemn war as a means of conflictresolution. ‘War’, she wrote, ‘should be the last resort after negotiation
and arbitration have failed.’ She criticised not only the ‘dynastic’ forces
which were causing working men to die on behalf of a quarrel that was
between governments, but also the treatment of women in war:
if our sympathies are aroused on behalf of the masses of Frenchmen
plunged into war . . . what must they be for the nations of French and
German women on whom the burden and the misery of war falls in
an equal or even greater measure than on men, and
Statistics 48.3 (August 1966), 266–279, and
for a more recent review of the literature, Todd Sandler, ‘The Economic
Theory of Alliances’, The Journal of ConflictResolution 37.3 (September
1993), 446–483. For an international-relations point of view, see Glenn H.
Snyder, Alliance Politics (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993).
33 Olson and Zeckhauser, ‘An Economic Theory of Alliances’, esp. p. 269.
Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation
of state-formation, and Tilly articulated this orientation pithily by
asking ‘How War Made States, and States Made War’. In
Kirsti Bohata, Alexandra Jones, Mike Mantin and Steven Thompson
industrial relations of the late nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries. Despite the existence of various mechanisms of collective
bargaining, conflictresolution and conciliation, still the industry was marked
by a greater propensity to industrial action and strike activity than other
areas of the economy.13 Moreover, the troubled history of the industry had
profound consequences for industrial relations in Britain more generally as the
miners’ ‘triple alliance’ with rail and transport workers led to a major dispute
in 1921 and as trouble in the coal industry led to
intervene in the proceedings by taking a stand for or against the accused. For this reason, early modern Swedish local-court sessions have been likened to the activities of a social arena for conflictresolution.
The records from the hundred courts are, as a general rule, comparatively detailed, with more space devoted to statements from the accused and from any witnesses in comparison to the more summary notes kept by the courts of appeal.
Whenever someone was accused of a crime against the