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institutions have an impact on the behaviour of national governing elites and domestic policy actors, while becoming important venues for conflict resolution; the present-day Union offers the most advanced form of regional institutionalisation based on both formal and informal mechanisms of rule-making and norm-setting; post-SEA, there is a notable re-embrace of institutional analysis, treating institutions as meaningful, autonomous actors in the European policy setting, often by means of imposing constraints on rule-based state behaviour; systemic growth in the Union has

in Theory and reform in the European Union
Open Access (free)
Uses and critiques of ‘civilisation’

modes and systems of decision-​making and conflict resolution, patterns of trade and exchange, and remarkable understandings of the biosphere –​to typical objects and practices for the purpose of defining which societies are ‘in’ and which are ‘out’ when it comes to stratifying hierarchies of progress. Civilisational analysis between the 1930s and the 1970s did not examine stateless and non-​nucleated societies very often. In developing an alternative to the integrationist image, proponents of processual sociologies and approaches endeavour to evade reductionist

in Debating civilisations
Open Access (free)
The autonomous life?

of someone nicknamed “Macho,” the possibility of conflict resolution seemed slim at best. The situation ended with Yoghurt falling backwards (or being pushed), cracking his head, and permanently injuring his inner ear. 0.1 The Vrankrijk legalized squat, 2006 Discussions of the “Vrankrijk incident” in the squatters’ scene were pervasive in the months following the event. What exactly happened? Was it a crime or self-defense? Who were the victims

in The autonomous life?
The nature of the development-security industry

desirable insofar as it leads to context-appropriate and sustainable modes of transformation. Where politicisation can become problematic, as discussed in forthcoming sections, is when the interests of powerful external actors override the goals of local conflict resolution and achieving a positive peace. The depoliticising/politicising dynamic found within public life, both locally and in terms of international politics, is problematic on several front (Edkins, 1999; Kurki, 2011; Mouffe, 1993, 2005; Peterson, 2013; Rancière, 2010). At the most general of levels, a

in Building a peace economy?
DSI approaches and behaviours

political-economic goals. Creating or sustaining physical stability remains the primary aim of the DSI, with local conflict resolution or socio-economic justice pushed to the background. Evidence of this effect of liberal peacebuilding is mixed. At a broad level, such a critique is justified if one considers the DSI’s propensity for engaging in the shielding of some actors for the sake of stability and as such legitimising former war entrepreneurs. At the same time, the DSI has proved that it will go to great lengths to install some neo-liberal reforms such as

in Building a peace economy?

organised to promote peace in the region and created the Contadora Group (in January 1983) and later became known as the Rio Group (in 1986). Those early 86 The EU’s policy towards Mercosur meetings were first designed to establish peace and had therefore an agenda focused on democracy, peace, conflict resolution. (Dykmann 2006: 44) The San José dialogue also brought into being a new set of institutionalized relationships between the EU and other regions (Smith 1995). However, the institutionalized dialogues with the Rio Group became the most successful. By 1989, the

in The European Union's policy towards Mercosur: