This substantially updated and revised edition offers a comprehensive overview of the challenges confronting the political system as well as the international politics of the European Union. It draws from a spectrum of regional integration theories to determine what the Union actually is and how it is developing, examining the constitutional politics of the European Union, from the Single European Act to the Treaty of Nice and beyond. The ongoing debate on the future of Europe links together the questions of democracy and legitimacy, competences and rights, and the prospects for European polity-building. The aim is to contribute to a better understanding of the emerging European polity and the questions that further treaty reform generates for the future of the regional system. The authors also assess the evolving European security architecture; the limits and possibilities of a genuine European foreign, security and defence policy; and the role of the EU in the post-Cold War international system. Common themes involve debates about stability and instability, continuity and change, multipolarity and leadership, co-operation and discord, power capabilities and patterns of behaviour. The book traces the defining features of the ‘new order’ in Europe and incorporates an analysis of the post-September 11th context.
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, Stelios Stavridis and Kostas Ifantis
, whose aim is ‘to track norms from
“the social” to “the legal” . . . [and] trace the empirically observable process of
norm construction and change . . . with a view to examining aspects of “European” constitutionalism [and citizenship practice]’.54 Their core set of conclusions is that EU constitutionalpolitics as ‘day-to-day practices in the legal and
political realm as well as the high dramas of IGCs and new Treaties’ is about
‘fundamental ordering principles which have a validity outwith the formal setting of the nation state’, that ‘norms may achieve strong
the same time, the Irish Revival benefited from the perceived irrelevance of constitutionalpolitics. Irish nationalism lost momentum after the death of Charles Stewart Parnell and the consequent split in the IPP in the 1890s. 21 The second Home Rule Bill's failure in 1893 side-lined the debate over Ireland's constitutional status. 22 As a result, the cultural sphere provided the most dynamic arena in which to articulate Irish values and demonstrate the vitality of national life.
Rural co-operation provided the economic corollary to the new
the margins of official agricultural policymaking and presented itself as an embattled movement under attack from powerful enemies at the DATI.
Sensing the hand of political forces behind the direction of this new agricultural policy Æ used the Irish Homestead to attack the Nationalist Party at Westminster. In particular, Æ accused John Dillon of a ‘misrepresentation of facts’ when he spoke of Plunkett and the co-operative movement in Parliament. Æ criticised Dillon's narrow focus on constitutionalpolitics at the expense of social and