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Assemblage of 1877, held to proclaim Queen Victoria the Empress of India, where he explores the logics and forms of Indian society precisely as he elaborates the cultural constitution and historical transformation of rituals and symbols of colonial authority and imperial power. 22 Yet, it is also the case that Cohn came to increasingly recognize colonial cultures of rule as fundamentally restructuring
. His swipe against the English was not a total dismissal of the British constitution. Indeed, he praised the Westminster system in Lettres écrites de la montagne (III: 848). What he merely wanted to show was that Britain – at that time the only major power to hold elections – was not an ideal polity. In developing a model of constitutionalism, Rousseau stressed that the people should be entitled to veto legislation lest the enactments of the representatives should be in contravention of the General Will, i.e. represent the Particular as opposed to the General Will
overlooked even by Rousseau scholars.3 Nationalism does not feature in the authoritative works on Rousseau’s political philosophy. Rousseau’s writings on nationalism are mainly contained in two treatises (although traces can be found elsewhere); in Projet de Constitution pour la Corse (1764 ) and in Considérations sur la gouvernement du Pologne (1771). In Du Contrat Social Rousseau availed himself for advice on constitutional engineering to nations that were entitled ‘to be taught by some wise man how to preserve freedom’ (III: 391). Two countries requested his services
aware that his writings could be misinterpreted – there is a high price to be paid for eloquence. Defending himself against the charge raised by Louis-François Trochin, the chief prosecutor of Geneva, he reiterated his support for a balanced constitution. In Lettres écrites dans la campagne, Trochin had asked the rhetorical question; ‘what point is there to having a government under which the people has an unlimited right to legislate’. Rousseau’s answer was simply ‘I agree’ (III: 875). That is, he agreed that the people’s power to legislate directly had to be
on the number of Roma should be based on self-identification rather than external categorisation, the fact that self-identification is fluid and contextual (Messing, 2019 ) can also be used by the state authorities to diminish the rights available to Romani minorities. For example, Croatia amended the 2002 Constitutional Law on the Rights of National Minorities in 2010 and 2011. In 2010, Croatia had amended its Constitution to recognise twenty-two national minorities, and among them Roma were named as a national minority for the very first time. The
condition cannot be accepted as comprehensive answers to the democratic boundary problem, since they fail to provide a principle for the legitimate constitution of such polities and claims to inclusion in them. AAI theorists have replied to this objection that the principles of including all subject to coercion and of including all citizenship stakeholders can be easily restated as particular applications of AAI. In this view, AAI is the broader
groupings. Upon such an understanding, then, identities comprise a crucial means through which social processes are perceived, experienced, and articulated. Indeed, defined within historical relationships of production and reproduction, appropriation and approbation, and power and difference, cultural identities (and their mutations) are essential elements in the quotidian constitution (and pervasive transformations
democratic inclusion. They “cannot be accepted as comprehensive answers to the democratic boundary problem, since they fail to provide a principle for the legitimate constitution of such polities and claims to inclusion in them” (p. 27). Thus they are to be seen less as rival alternative justifying principles for defining the demos than as complementary to the more comprehensive citizen stakeholder approach. Thus, in his account
scholasticism, this book is acutely aware instead of the mutual constitution of the academic and the everyday (as well as of the analytical and the affective, the rational and the embodied, and the hermeneutical and the experiential), especially vigilant of how these terrains simultaneously come together yet fall apart. Here, I unravel academic knowledge(s) and disciplinary protocol(s) as insinuated in wider
Sejdić and Finci v. BIH case (henceforth the Sejdić and Finci case) demonstrated, this is not the whole story. In 1995 the Dayton Peace Agreement legally cemented the position of minorities in BIH, including Roma, as second-class citizens (Cirković, 2014 ). According to the Bosnian Constitution based on the Dayton Agreement, only the Bosnian constitutive nations can fully be a part of BIH's political structure. As defined in the 2001 Election Law, the BIH presidency consisted of three members who had to identify as Croat, Bosniak and Serbian