Thousands of people died in Rotterdam during the Second World War in more than 300 German and Allied bombardments. Civil defence measures had been taken before the German invasion of the Netherlands in May 1940 and these efforts were intensified during the country’s occupation as Allied bombers attacked Rotterdam’s port, factories, dry docks and oil terminals. Residential neighbourhoods were also hit through imprecise targeting and by misfired flak grenades. Inadequate air raid shelters and people’s reluctance to enter them caused many casualties. The condition of the corpses and their post-mortem treatment was thus co-constituted by the relationship between the victims and their material circumstances. This article concludes that an understanding of the treatment of the dead after war, genocide and mass violence must pay systematic attention to the materiality of death because the condition, collection and handling of human remains is affected by the material means that impacted on the victims.
The article will present the findings of ethnographic research into the Colombian and Mexican forensic systems, introducing the first citizen-led exhumation project made possible through the cooperation of scholars, forensic specialists and interested citizens in Mexico. The coupling evolution and mutual re-constitution of forensic science will be explored, including new forms of citizenship and nation building projects – all approached as lived experience – in two of Latin America‘s most complex contexts: organised crime and mass death.
same rights as German citizens has slowly taken hold; to use the words of Angela Merkel, who ought to be credited with insisting on this idea even when it was unfashionable, ‘The values and rights of our Basic Law are valid for everyone in this country’ ( Merkel, 2019 ). Once it is accepted that the first line of the German constitution’s Article 1, ‘ Die Würde des Menschen ist unantastbar ’ (‘Human dignity is inviolable’), applies to everyone in Germany, then it makes little sense to deny this right to those outside its borders. An increasing number of Germans
medications close to home. Elba Rahmouni: This project was developed at a time when Kenya was undergoing significant changes in its constitution, with the so-called devolution process giving the regions and their subdivisions greater autonomy. Did that decentralisation process have an impact on how the project was conducted? Léon Salumu: The decentralisation of power also meant decentralisation of our interlocutors. The devolution was a great help
system would disintegrate. To be more precise: The constitution of a global empire would always result from the victory of a specific nation state – a state capable of monopolising power to the extent that its rivals disappear. However, if this were to happen, the victorious state would not be able to continue increasing its own power since the mechanism for the accumulation of power – competition – would no longer exist. It is this mechanism that causes the disorderly and uneven, but continuous, expansion of the inter-state system itself
Syria to a broader world history and global community. Monitoring and Accountability Many of the strategic choices in the constitution of the mechanisms mentioned above, are informed by the objectives the monitors have in mind. Several organisations and scholars highlight the multiple objectives this data has, such as Elamein et al. , who state: It has long been recognised that robust data are crucial to verifying attacks
terms of development. Nigeria asked for independence and it was granted. But within a space of six years, the country was engulfed with a series of conflicts that led to the collapse of the constitution and the eventual outbreak of the war. Different people, including African leaders, made efforts to ensure that the crisis did not go out of control by bringing the Eastern Region and the Federal Government of Nigeria to the negotiating table, but those efforts failed. The
his words with other discourses and highlight the contradictions between his different speeches. For example, at the beginning of the dialogues with the FARC, Santos said: ‘We are not going to negotiate or talk about fundamental aspects of national life, such as the Constitution itself, the development model, the concept of private property; all this is not in discussion, nor will it be’ ( Rebollo, 2012 ). On the one hand, the President’s speech exalts the suffering of the victims, prioritises the defence of their rights and invites all Colombians to become aware of
Comment noted during this meeting. 6 Declaration made at Rmeilane where the Constitution of Rojava proclaimed in January 2014 becomes the social contract of the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria, setting up a federal system, which is rejected by the Syrian government. 7 Letter from the emir of ISIL in Qabassin
embedded in a global production network through CSR initiatives. 16 As the cases tease out those processes and outcomes at both ends of the production and value chain, the ‘positive’ development and market disruption promised through celebrity, corporate, strategic and socially responsible partnerships is definitely brought into question. The ethnographic and narrative approach calls our attention to how the construction and constitution of the celebrity