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’. 20 Combe was a ‘moralizing popularizer’, who combined Spurzheim's phrenology with the social reform of Jeremy Bentham and James Mill. 21 At mid-century, Combe's Constitution of Man was the third most likely text to appear on shelves in English-speaking homes after the Bible and Pilgrim's Progress . 22 Because, like Spurzheim, Combe believed the size and shape of the phrenological organs were inherited, he perpetuated race and class
developed after independence in 1830, with the constitution of the new nation state offering ample opportunity for religious orders to establish themselves. Its liberal freedoms gave free reign to the Catholic Church, making it dominant in the provision of medical care as well. However, contrary to what earlier historiography wanted us to believe, Vandendriessche and Van Osselaer stress that religiously
nurses from colony to colony. In Hong Kong, changes in sanitary practices (and the associated costs) were justified not only by new understandings of disease causation and the economic dangers posed by outbreaks in a city dependent on transnational commerce, but also, after the 1830s, as a result of changing scientific theories surrounding ‘acclimatisation’. According to contemporary arguments, the various ‘racial types’ struggled to adapt to new climates; and new ideas surrounding ethnic constitutions and regional climates began to gradually affect administrative
necessarily violent’. 38 Lezay-Marnésia was convinced that in order to destroy ancient customs (‘anciennes habitudes’), an excessive despotism (‘despotisme outré’) had been necessary to prepare the ground for a free constitution. 39 Drawing once again on the field of medicine to furnish an analogy, the Terror was for Lezay-Marnésia a kind of ‘fever’, whose tremors would be felt even after the actual political event had subsided. 40
corpore sano (A sound mind in a sound body) and made it its own – and in order to spread and reinforce this belief several activities were added to nurses’ regular tasks, such as: organising courses in schools with exercise classes designed to fortify the constitution of future Italians, providing family counselling on personal hygiene and women’s work, with hints on house cleaning and cooking. However, these services were supplied only in white Italian neighbourhoods and were free of charge for poor Italian mothers.55 Never before had women been called on to
‘found a big difference in the maximum breathing capacity compared with men applying for compensation who had no evidence of silicosis on the radiography’. 153 That is, men who had never worked in dusty conditions had greater lung capacity than those who had worked in dusty conditions, even though these men would not have been diagnosed with any respiratory disease. This difference was largely attributed to the constitutions of the men involved rather than their working conditions. Gilson and Hugh-Jones explained that ‘They concluded that the difference was
individuals. Not only would self-care be supported by a range of other actors, but it formed only part of a broader constellation of interventions by healthcare professionals, the state and organised patients. 10 By examining the boundaries of balance and self in the specific confines of British diabetes care, therefore, it is hoped that this chapter will draw attention to the complex interplay of power, politics and medicine in the constitution of identity, and set out relations explored further in the chapters that follow
proliferating number of pamphlets and articles addressing the issue could overburden the mind . 12 The poet Victor Laprade similarly decried what he called the ‘L’Éducation homicide’ of French lycées and colleges, describing theirs as a ‘regimen entirely contrary to nature, which lowers the vital force and enervates the constitution of both the individual and the race subjected to it for too long’. 13 The physician Aimé Riant in his study, Le surménage
and mental constitution of the British population. The ‘working powers of the community at large’, it was argued, were undergoing depletion as a result of the vast and rapid social and technological changes that had characterised the nineteenth century. 12 The spread of industrialisation, urbanisation, education, and new technologies such as the railway and the telegraph had increased the pace and intensity of modern life to such a degree that the body was unable to muster the energy to withstand its constant
consequence members of the Australia Station's fleet had developed a tendency toward nervousness and hysteria comparable with the ‘peculiar mental constitution of ignorant and savage races’. 49 At Santa Cruz, this was demonstrated by Nendö people's supposed indulgence in ‘superstition, witchcraft, and sorcery in their most debasing forms’. 50 Key to Messer's argument was his observation that the painful spasms suffered by sailors wounded