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over the next 25 years. In 1951, the MMC, still a sub-committee of the newly renamed TMC (now called the Christian Council of Tanganyika), further institutionalised its function as the principal representative organisation of mission health services with a new constitution. To ensure that it spoke for the whole of the membership the MMC was to be open to all medical practitioners working within the
social conditions that existed in places such as the British West Indies. The Secretary of State for the Colonies, Oliver Stanley, told the CPRC that ‘the welfare of 60,000,000 people depended on the success of this work’. 83 These development objectives were to be achieved, in part, by state-funded research in British universities that worked out in detail the chemical constitution and reactions of products from the empire. Responsibility for allocating funds for the research programme lay with the CPRC in London, and research projects did not arise through requests
, American-led improvements in the social and economic conditions of the colonial peoples of the entire Caribbean region were considered necessary to prevent uprising amongst the poor and unemployed. There was particular concern about the consequences for regional stability of continued unrest in Britain’s larger colonies. Historians have noted the role played by the Caribbean Commission in hastening political reform in Jamaica, where a new constitution that provided universal suffrage was introduced in 1944 after pressure on Britain from Taussig and other US officials
Caribbean Commission and he left the organisation in 1955. After spending the rest of the year giving lectures in public in Trinidad and having discussions about the future of Trinidadian politics in private with friends such as George Padmore, C. L. R. James and Lewis, a constitution and manifesto was devised for a new political party to be launched in January 1956, the People’s National Movement or PNM. 98 The PNM went on to win thirteen of the twenty-four seats on the legislature in the election of 1956, garnering 39 per cent of the vote overall. The Governor, Edward
, worried in particular about loss of control of Maori affairs. But they shared with the Australian colonies the conviction that men of European origin should remain in the driver’s seat – aided by the admission of White women to the body politic. In 1870, Earl Grey, who as secretary of state for the colonies from 1846 to 1852 had presided over the preparation of a number of Australasian constitutions, wrote
new Constitution which, members declared, challenged the rights of free British subjects. Members queried in particular the right of the imperial Parliament to appropriate money from the colonial revenue derived from land sales. This demand was enshrined in the 1842 Act for Regulating the Sale of Wasteland, which allowed the governor to appropriate a proportion not exceeding 15 per cent for the
of African people living within their borders. The 1839 Constitution of the Boer Republic of Natalia had enshrined annual elections – but for adult White males only. The 1858 Transvaal Constitution stated specifically that ‘the people desire to permit no equality between coloured people and the white inhabitants of the country, either in church or state’. But in the two British colonies, the position
vote in the Glen Grey district even from people who would qualify by virtue of individual tenure. After the South African War, the question of ensuring sufficient ‘Native labour’ for the mines and farms played an important part in deciding the political powers allowed to Indigenes under the Union Constitution and the legislation of the early Union governments. All the colonial politicians operated within
and stories of Cetshwayo’s visit were giving the Maori King false hope. Despite the outward face of the government, William Gladstone’s Colonial Secretary Lord Derby did consider – it seems – Tawhiao’s appeal for imperial intervention. In this context, he sought Jervois’ opinion on the powers granted to Queen Victoria by Section 71 of the New Zealand Constitution Act to ‘provide by
: ‘The question of granting franchise to the natives will not be decided till after the introduction of self government.’ 38 In an exchange of telegrams with Milner, Chamberlain queried the wording of the draft article: ‘Seems to be worded so that we should actually have to exclude natives from the Franchise in any constitution establishing a self-governing Colony. Would it not be enough to leave from