experienced and interpreted. Here local issues, such as histories of migration and resistance, and national contexts, such as debates about devolution and the 2014 Scottish Independence referendum, impact on reactions to anti-immigration campaigns. Whereas in Ealing and Hounslow (West London), for example, the Go Home van's appearance played into divisive discourses of respectability among established migrants and British citizens (discussed in
devolution in Northern Ireland and the formation of a power-sharing executive will help usher in a more inclusive political culture that will dilute ethnonationalist forces.4 The aim of the Belfast Agreement (BA) is to draw together atavistic political groups in order to promote a consociational accord, which would endorse Northern Ireland’s place in the United Kingdom but at the same time uphold minority rights and cultural demands.5 It is evident, however, that the return of a devolved administration has not resolved the long-term political future of Northern Ireland
’s small government ideology, Reagan’s budget director, David Stockman, mobilized a policy of deregulation, defunding, and devolution: Deregulation meant not simply regulatory reform or consolidation, but halting outright the growth of federal regulations, and relaxing existing ones that were targeted as especially burdensome by the regulated industries. Defunding meant drastic cuts in the regulatory agencies’ budgets, along with large tax cuts to prevent future
canon laid down in the nineteenth century, history is presented as if it begins and ends at the edges of continents, and dwells almost exclusively on their interiors’ (Gillis, 2004: 85). In the nineteenth century, large-state nationalism also 130 130 Debating civilisations devalued island societies (Gillis, 2004: 114–16). Anthropology called attention to island societies, but the anthropological imagination was dependent – in complex ways –on colonialism and its devolution, and the early division of the twentieth-century social sciences. In the course of the
far greater redistribution of power than that envisaged by the NSD. By ignoring this point, New Labour might also be accused of decentralising responsibility but of centralising power even where they have attempted to be most radical, e.g. devolution. Therefore, this is yet another emphasis that attempts to legitimate existing inequalities. Reciprocity, too, is much more complex. There are general and particular forms of reciprocity, as well as short-term and long-term versions. There are rights that do not correspond to duties and duties that do not correspond to
developed in concert with two tendencies. First are the centripetal and centrifugal movements in the figuration of power, or the impulses towards centralisation or devolution of the state and its agents. In other words, the temperament of general behaviour occurs alongside the expansion of taxation, confinement of the legitimate use of violence to military forces and the creation of rationalised administrative organisations. The second tendency is the monetarisation of economic life. In urban bourgeois culture, trade, the division of labour and the use of money, outward
contrasted. In the case of the UK, the FSA has set up devolved management boards for Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland under its sub-national devolution of government. Multilevel governance incorporates those levels, though the focus of the analysis presented here remains the national UK–EU interaction, within the context of the evolving international governance of food and agriculture. Multilevel governance and strategic policy decisions The determination of some key decisions by the EU and its member states has been explained within a framework of multilevel
, ‘Federalizm po Putiny ili Putin po federalizmu (zheleznoi pyatoi)’, Carnegie Briefing Papers, 3:3 (March 2001), 2. See, Umnova, Konstitutsionnye Osnovy, pp. 108–14. K. Stoner-Weiss, ‘Central weakness and provincial autonomy: observations on the devolution process in Russia’, Post-Soviet Affairs, 15:1 (1999), 91. A. Lavrov, ‘Asimmetriya byudzhetnovo ustroistva Rossii: problemy i resheniya’, in A. Zakharov (ed.), Asimmetrichnost¢ Federatsii (Moscow: MONF, 1997), pp. 99–122, 113. A. M. Lavrov, ‘Russian budget federalism: first steps, first results’, Sevodnya (June 7, 1995
relevant to the overall narrative, they will be discussed. However, the chapters that are included here exemplify the broad trends and concepts that are crucial to understanding the relationship between the public and public health authorities during the post-war period. Finally, any history of Britain needs to engage with the “four nations” question. Political events from devolution in the 1990s to the Scottish and European independence referenda in the 2010s have made British citizens even more aware that “Britain” is not simply “England”. The