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to have a state of their own. Once this was achieved, war, arising from frustrated national identities, would become a thing of the past. The reality has often been the creation of states that are either too small to be viable economic and political units, or themselves contain disgruntled national minorities that demand further devolution of power, thus weakening the ability of the government to
November 1975). State structure Unitary, but with considerable devolution of executive and administrative powers to seventeen elected regional assemblies. Government After consultation with the parliamentary party groups, the king appoints the prime minister (President of the Government), who must win a vote of confidence on his proposed government programme in the lower house of Parliament, the Congress of Deputies
of right action in foreign and defence policy. Much is made of national institutions: flag, armed forces and the constitution. The Conservative Party identified itself closely with the empire and the UK state. Patriotism, however, has caused problems for British conservatism. The empire has gone and, with Welsh and Scottish devolution, the new administration in Northern Ireland, and the advance of European integration, the UK is not what it was
would support democratic systems of government and are inclined to support the devolution of power. Government must be based on the consent of the governed. Consent is the basis for its legitimacy, its right to rule. Government agents should be accountable to the elected representatives of the people. Thus government must represent the interests of all the people, not just of interest groups. Indeed
Swinford Union’. 13 A year after the IAOS's foundation Plunkett looked to build upon that achievement by engineering political agreement over the devolution of agricultural policymaking from Westminster to Dublin. The subsequent foundation of the DATI in 1899 represented a landmark in Ireland's political history and evidence of Plunkett's tenacity as he introduced a second major agency of agricultural progress to Ireland. Although described by critics as ‘the Institution that teaches hens how to lay eggs’, the Department helped to develop the theory
to be taken into account, as in demands for various forms of devolution or the enfranchisement of excluded groups. But these proposals need not turn on specific cases per se. Usually they appeal to reasons that similarly situated others could share and, so, might be applied generally. Obviously, all rules and political systems give rise to rights. But this argument is not rights based. For rights and their application to
and a constituted people (Pettit 2012 : 285–190). 5 The idea of domination (more than simple subjection at a point in time) supports the proposal for multilevel citizenship – as the larger unitary polities become, the more risk of domination of minorities within those states (p. 59); maintaining or extending the devolution of power to local and regional
– full independence, some form of association with Portugal or integration with Indonesia (or another independent state). The decision was to be the responsibility of the Timorese. ‘It is part of our policy that the wishes of the population will be respected’, said the minister responsible for East Timor (quoted in Dunn, 1983: 82). However, two approaches to decolonisation were becoming evident in Lisbon, reflecting shifts in factional dominance. The first emphasised gradual devolution of power; the second, an ascendant position, associated with the younger officers
cannot afford the housing costs, remain in impoverished communities of fate on the margins (inner city ghettos or outer city social housing estates). Furthermore, in the UK the Thatcher–Major reforms of the social services facilitated these developments. Under such new arrangements as the devolution of budgets to local units and the purchaser-provider split, schools, hospitals and care homes have an interest in attracting
, stated that the agreement prioritised ‘outside voices’ above the ‘voices, lives and livelihoods of Arctic residents’. Alaska’s senators and congressional representatives put it even more pointedly: ‘The only thing more shocking than this reckless, short-sighted, last-minute gift to the extreme environmental agenda is that President Obama had the nerve to claim he is doing Alaska a favor.’ Canadian leaders objected to Ottawa acting on behalf of Canada’s Arctic territories, pointing out that it went against the spirit of devolution. Peter Taptuna, premier of Nunavut