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and a constituted people (Pettit 2012 : 285–190). 5 The idea of domination (more than simple subjection at a point in time) supports the proposal for multilevel citizenship – as the larger unitary polities become, the more risk of domination of minorities within those states (p. 59); maintaining or extending the devolution of power to local and regional
that of jurisdictional boundaries. By contrast, when a national minority demands stronger political autonomy or a referendum on secession, what needs to be considered is the legitimacy of existing federal or other arrangements for devolution and power-sharing as well as how changes would affect individual memberships. My claim is that ACS provides a general guideline for liberal responses to both types of problems because it focuses on the
-government claims may be directed against attempts to curb or dismantle current powers of territorial autonomy; in the latter they may support devolution or – in the extreme case – independence. Testing the representativeness of claims is potentially as difficult as assessing compossibility. 30 My point here is, however, a theoretical one. A representativeness condition provides us with a political and democratic account of the legitimacy of peoplehood as