Union (see Grimshaw and Rubery, 2015; Rubery, 2013). By contrast, while a significant level of gender equality in employment in China has been achieved during the state-planned economy period, measured by the extent of women’s participation in full-time employment and the relatively small gender pay gap (Gustafsson and Li, 2000; Nie et al., 2002), gender discrimination has increased substantially as a result of the deepening marketisation of the economy since the 1980s in China (Cooke, 2012). In particular, labour market discrimination against women of childbearing
identification and social categorisation in the creation of collective identity. We argue that for blacks the formation of collective identity is centred around defining their place in US society, i.e. finding various ways to demonstrate their social membership. The following section pieces together the literature on black consumption to show how focusing on group identification and social categorisation improves our understanding of the meaning of consumption for this group. We identify an alienationist, resistance, and discrimination perspective and propose a ‘social
were designated a separate ‘nation’ within their various host societies, permitted to have their own religious and legal institutions, and yet subjected to all manner of occupational, fiscal, residential and political discriminations. The subordinate status of Jews had left most Jews in poverty, vulnerable to external persecution from the Church, state and people, and dependent internally on their own rabbinical and financial elites. The Enlightenment project
defiant to resistance and deconstruction? Addressing recent literature on age, feminist theory, and singlehood, I investigate the ways in which ageist and sexist constructions of age form prevalent understandings of lifelong singlehood. It is my contention that single women above a certain age are faced with a triple discrimination, based on their age, gender, and single status. In this chapter I examine the manner in which the language of age guides common-sense understanding about single women. Specifically, I explore how the predominant cultural perceptions of age
her mum, who has early-onset dementia and doesn't speak English well. The process of getting a diagnosis was protracted and placed a huge strain on Rabiya, as a young mother herself, and on her family. There were then big barriers in securing any kind of social care support. As a Muslim Asian woman, Rabiya relates multiple experiences of discrimination, and, in marked contrast, an episode of real kindness from a physiotherapist. Rabiya: It
Given the significant similarities and differences between the welfare states of Northern Europe and their reactions to the perceived 'refugee crisis' of 2015, the book focuses primarily on the three main cases of Denmark, Sweden and Germany. Placed in a wider Northern European context – and illustrated by those chapters that also discuss refugee experiences in Norway and the UK – the Danish, Swedish and German cases are the largest case studies of this edited volume. Thus, the book contributes to debates on the governance of non-citizens and the meaning of displacement, mobility and seeking asylum by providing interdisciplinary analyses of a largely overlooked region of the world, with two specific aims. First, we scrutinize the construction of the 2015 crisis as a response to the large influx of refugees, paying particular attention to the disciplinary discourses and bureaucratic structures that are associated with it. Second, we investigate refugees’ encounters with these bureaucratic structures and consider how these encounters shape hopes for building a new life after displacement. This allows us to show that the mobility of specific segments of the world’s population continues to be seen as a threat and a risk that has to be governed and controlled. Focusing on the Northern European context, our volume interrogates emerging policies and discourses as well as the lived experiences of bureaucratization from the perspective of individuals who find themselves the very objects of bureaucracies.
incubated demands for a ‘New International Economic Order’ (NIEO). The United Nations General Assembly adopted the Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Order in 1974, calling for, among other reforms of the international, ‘The right of every country to adopt the economic and social system that it deems the most appropriate for its own development and not to be subjected to discrimination of any kind as a result’. The debt crises of the 1980s, and the imposition of Structural Adjustment Programmes through which
‘different but equal’ culture, Lentin (2014: 1275–76) argues, has obscured the experience of racism and reduced the struggle for equality and justice to a fight for the recognition of cultural identity. From a political perspective, in the post-9/11 context, multiculturalism is increasingly interpreted as ‘part of the problem not the solution’ (Kundnani, 2004: 108) to racism and ethnic discrimination. In this understanding the ‘problem’ is not inequality or deprivation of ‘minority’ communities but self-imposed cultural barriers between communities that hinder the full
: 652; Paul, 2014: 703) but constituted, rather, as ‘a practice with no solid basis outside the discursive, material, structural and embodied configurations through which it is repetitively enacted, performed and, tenuously, secured’ (Nayak, 2006: 423). The second is that racism – discrimination against those to whom ‘other’ racial characteristics are ascribed – continues to exist. It follows that, as long as the social effects of being ‘racialised’ are in evidence, then ‘race’ itself is phenomenally real (Paul, 2014: 705). The third widely accepted proposition is
racism. Thus central to the non-racism claimed by EDL activists is the appeal to a simple, and narrow, definition of ‘race’ and racism rooted not in a consistently post-racialist politics but akin to the ‘post-race’ argument, which does not deny the ‘reality’ of race but argues that it should not be grounds for prejudice and discrimination. This, of course, leaves the movement and its participants open to the accusation that they underestimate the continued impacts of racisms. This is evident in the presence of a range of ‘everyday’ racisms in EDL milieux and