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weeks previously not to admit any more wounded from Raqqa, as they had ‘ done their bit and it [was] now up to other hospitals to take over, Tell Abyad and the others. ’ 5 As a result, discrimination between Kurdish and Arab patients had been introduced. In Kobani, more than 80 per cent of surgical cases were not urgent, whereas Tell Abyad was overflowing with patients seriously injured by explosive devices in Raqqa and in
liberal about a majority of humanitarian practitioners, we can define it as a commitment to three things: the equal moral worth of all human lives (i.e. non-discrimination on principle), the moral priority of the claims of individuals over the authority claims of any collective entity – from nations to churches to classes to families – and a belief that as a moral commitment (one that transcends any sociological or political boundary) there is a just and legitimate reason to intervene in any and all circumstances where human beings suffer (even if
for a set of humanitarian values ( Walker, 2004 ; Wortel, 2009 ). Humanitarianism is a culture that values humanity in all its forms, that champions non-discrimination, that advances restraint in war and many other values codified in international law. ‘Promoting’ ( Bugnion, 2003 : xxvii) or ‘spreading’ ( Slim, 1998 ) this humanitarian culture, therefore, inevitably requires transforming cultural values and practices that
, strategies and legislative amendments must outlaw discrimination and meaningfully protect rights in the health, social welfare, employment, education and criminal justice sectors. This is pretty basic stuff and hardly a panacea. Furthermore, unfortunately the document is scant on methods to achieve the proposed outcomes. How can quality services and support be guaranteed in struggling LMICs or FCAS with inadequate national and district budgets? Regular and continued monitoring and
desired. It is clear from these experiences that aid security’s ‘stranger danger’ model does not speak to the reality of safety threats in aid work – that is, to everyday and internal threats – nor to the needs and risks faced by diverse aid workers who do not fit the white, masculine, heterosexual model. This glaring mismatch is all the more troubling for those facing multiple and compounded modes of discrimination based on gender, racialisation, disability or
advancing access to justice or eliminating discrimination within laws, among other interventions. It is often assumed, however, that there is limited scope for humanitarian projects to incorporate gender transformative actions because of the emergency setting, an often-narrow scope of activities, and short funding cycles (sometimes lasting only a few months). Additionally, given the acute challenges of operating in emergency settings, there is rarely enough time, resources or funding to conduct rigorous research that would support gender transformative design and
, 2021 ). Inability to Refer Ill Patients to the Health System for Timely Care Despite the principle of non-age-discrimination for medical care enshrined in Law 33/2011 on General Public Health, during the COVID-19 pandemic patients that were sick were often not being referred, or were referred too late, to the health system. Referrals or preferential circuits for transferring infected people to other centres or hospitals were
programme shows how a context of discrimination and regulatory exclusion undermines the feasibility of digital refugee livelihoods, thereby offering a critique of the idea that digital upskilling and web-based income opportunities transcend local markets and national contexts. Indeed, a mere 15 per cent of the refugees reported finding new jobs within six months of graduation despite restrictions. This low percentage may be partly distorted by the limited
way, his resignation was cast not as the admission of bad behaviour but as a further humanitarian act. An independent review uncovered an unhealthy workplace culture in the SCUK offices – there was a pronounced gender pay gap, 17 per cent of women reported harassment, 26 per cent of women reported discrimination; there were also a number of reports of gender harassment and unwanted sexual attention in the workplace ( Save the Children, 2018 ). In 2018, there had been
complementarity, but it is not an egalitarian practice. It helps to maintain the racialised hierarchy between foreign decision-makers, and their ‘native’ assistants. The inequality between ‘national’ and ‘expatriate’ staff has been an ongoing topic of discussion within MSF ( Fox, 2014 ). In 2006, the MSF sections signed the La Mancha accords, which aimed to ‘provide fair employment opportunities for all staff’ and ‘address any issues of discrimination within MSF’. 1 Despite this, MSF has still not overcome the ‘divide between travelling expatriates and the much larger pool