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Open Access (free)
Robert Mackay

’, he wrote, ‘It is unable – and has, apparently, no great wish – to picture the details of the postwar world. It speculates relatively little about the end of the war.’2 But official inertia did not prevent reconstruction from becoming an issue of debate, none the less. Beginning as a low profile discourse, mainly in intellectual and academic circles, reconstruction dramatically took centre stage with the publication of the Beveridge Report in December 1942, thereafter becoming the leading issue in domestic politics and potentially a significant influence on popular

in Half the battle
Open Access (free)
John Marriott

of the poor within the imperial formation, and provides a more satisfactory explanation of their chronology and nature than those focusing exclusively on domestic politics and social policy. In the following I wish to explore the workings of this symbolic process. To understand the active construction of racial identities in this period, we need to go beyond the convention of identifying

in The other empire
Open Access (free)
Jonathan Colman

be pushed too far. The ebbs and flows in transatlantic closeness tend to reflect interests rather than sentiment.’ 17 Nigel Ashton hones the functionalist orthodoxy by emphasising the importance not only of national interest but also of factors such as ‘ideology, culture, bureaucracy, domestic politics and public opinion’. He suggests that the Anglo-American relationship in the early 1960s was highly complex and subtle: ‘To understand this

in A ‘special relationship’?
Jonathan Colman

derived less from a real concern about possible American rashness than domestic political considerations, given Labour’s thin majority in the Commons and the corresponding need to maintain Party unity. Bruce noted the intense ‘restiveness here, especially in the House of Commons, over the British Government not seeming to play a more active part in trying to induce negotiations over Vietnam’. 25 Wilson, said Bruce, was ‘under

in A ‘special relationship’?
Jonathan Colman

domestic political scene; i.e., his “peacemaking” efforts are pointed primarily at maintaining ascendancy over his political opponents within and without his own party’. 71 A State Department analysis also attributed questionable motives to the British: they were eager ‘to participate with maximum personal visibility in bringing peace to Vietnam – in early February alone Wilson proposed travelling personally both to Washington and

in A ‘special relationship’?
Open Access (free)
Natural resources and development – which histories matter?
Mick Moore

in Africa is certainly driven by rents, including the political privileges that they can buy and the political competition and conflicts that they generate. It is not clear however, at least from the perspective of policy implications, that it is a story about property rights and institutions, alone; it is also a story in which such ‘property rights’ and ‘institutions’ are a product of privileges granted exclusively to those international firms able to wield sufficient domestic political influence. As such, historical scholarship can help illuminate the conditions

in History, historians and development policy
Open Access (free)
Harold Wilson and Lyndon B. Johnson: a ‘special relationship’?
Jonathan Colman

this field, and, as Kennedy’s vice-president (1961–63), he made numerous trips abroad. However, with his vision of creating a ‘Great Society’ – helping to heal the racial divide and to eradicate poverty – the President was more interested in domestic politics than international affairs, and certainly had little commitment to close ties with London. As a Foreign Office analysis noted in May 1965, Johnson did not have ‘any

in A ‘special relationship’?
Jonathan Colman

posture. However, his claim to David Bruce, US Ambassador, that he needed to see Johnson to deal with Labour Party criticisms over Vietnam did not impress the Americans. They disliked the idea of foreign politicians visiting Washington for patently domestic-political reasons, and so denied Wilson his hoped-for transatlantic excursion. The White House knew that only a large bail-out might save sterling, but Britain’s prior cuts

in A ‘special relationship’?
Sweden and the lesser powers in the long eighteenth century
Erik Bodensten

northern Europe. France instead prioritized theatres of war in Germany and Italy where – in spite of its name – the War of the Polish Succession (1733–1735/39) was mainly fought. In June 1735, however, a Franco-Swedish subsidy agreement was concluded. Nevertheless, as the war came to an end shortly thereafter, France’s interest in Sweden vanished and Versailles subsequently refused to ratify the treaty and pay out the money. This incident ended up becoming exceedingly important in Swedish domestic politics, representing a sobering reminder for those who might have

in Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation in Europe, 1494–1789
Open Access (free)
The new Europe takes shape
Kjell M. Torbiörn

spite of grave misgivings held by France and other countries. Yet the policy worked, both commercially and among domestic political opinion. Separated families could establish contact and even see each other. Dissidents were brought to West Germany against government payment. Détente was given a first, tangible expression. At this time, the question could be asked: who was and would be strongest, the Six of EFTA led by the United Kingdom, or the Six of the EEC led by France and the Federal Republic of Germany? The decisive factor was West Germany. With West Germany in

in Destination Europe