The DomesticPolitics model
Company-specific differences between ExxonMobil, Shell and
Statoil can shed light on differences in their climate strategies to
only a limited extent. Chapter 4 revealed that company-specific
features with implications for climate strategies are marked more
by similarities than differences. The CA model is also incapable of
explaining changes in corporate climate strategies.
We explore whether the national political contexts in which
the companies operate prove more capable of explaining
This book focuses on the Western difficulties in interpreting Russia. It begins with by reflecting on some of the problems that are set in the foundations of Russia's post-Cold War relationship with the West. The book points to problems that emerge from linguistic and historical 'interpretation'. It looks at the impact of Russia's decline as a political priority for the West since the end of the Cold War and the practical impact this has had. It then reflects on the rising influence, especially, but not only, in public policy and media circles, of 'transitionology' as the main lens through which developments in Russia were interpreted. The book then examines the evolution of the West's relationship with Russia since the end of the Cold War, focusing particularly on the NATO-Russia relationship. It focuses on the chronological development of relations and the emergence of strategic dissonance from 2003. The book also looks at Russian domestic politics, particularly the Western belief in and search for a particular kind of change in Russia, a transition to democracy. It continues the exploration of domestic politics, but turns to address the theme of 'Putinology', the focus on Putin as the central figure in Russian politics.
Liberal reform and the creation of new conflict economies
Jenny H. Peterson
arguably, this had a limited
impact during the period that internationals continued to constitute a
majority on all panels and boards (Riinvest, 2007). Furthermore, despite its
illegality, municipalities have continuously tried to appoint directors of their
choosing to manage SOEs, and have at times expropriated SOEs’ land and
assets for their own use (KTA, 2006a, 2005f). Eyre and Wittowsky, both of
whom worked for Pillar IV in Kosovo, provide several examples of cases
where domesticpolitical competition erupted within SOEs and POEs, in some
realities into their decisions and an ability to
negotiate with domesticpolitical concerns. However, this also acted as a
strong signal in terms of where the loyalties of the UN mission lay. In this case,
‘Albanian law’ was chosen over ‘Serbian law’. It was one of the first gestures
which would allow for a shift in the balance of power within the territory and
within the region – a shift, which as will be further discussed, has facilitated
the creation of an Albanian-dominated political-economic environment.
In the field of security sector reform, however, there is also
Protecting borders, confirming statehood and transforming economies?
Jenny H. Peterson
borders not only makes a strong statement about the status of Kosovo as an
independent entity, but is also a clear tool for the international community to
monitor the movement of goods and people across all borders, preventing
economic, political or social problems from arriving at their own borders. In
this sense, customs services are not necessarily created in order to transform
domesticpolitical-economic relationships, but rather are created as a form of
containment with the primary goal being to protect the economies and
borders of powerful states. Moreover
willing to take the risk of engaging in the difficult issues found through an SPE
analysis. From occasions where DSI actors have implemented programming
that would be reflective of an SPE reading, a preliminary analysis of factors
which might allow the problem of choosing apolitical strategies to be
overcome emerges. Some initial thoughts on what might facilitate such
‘policy moments’ are worth highlighting. Changes in domesticpolitical
context are one factor which can create the space to engage in more politically ‘risky’ programming. For example, suggestions that
reputation, and high organisational learning capacity would lead to a
proactive strategy on climate change. Likewise, we assumed that
the converse – i.e. high environmental risk, no negative public
scrutiny, and a low capacity for organisational learning – would
lead to a reactive climate strategy.
The second perspective – the DomesticPolitics (DP) model –
postulates that differences in climate strategy can mainly be
explained by differences in the national political contexts of the
companies rather than in the companies themselves. This model is
based on theories of
high level of attention,
since this sector was one of the most affected by integration. Externally,
Member States and the European Union
the Portuguese priorities were directed towards Africa and Latin
America.8 The new policies introduced by the TEU forced the government
to adjust its own priorities: EMU and the participation in the single
currency turned into one of the top Portuguese priorities.
The domesticpolitical changes also affected the ranking of priorities.
The socialist party won the 1995 general elections.9
Multinational corporations are not merely the problem in environmental concerns, but could also be part of the solution. The oil industry and climate change provide the clearest example of how the two are linked; what is less well known is how the industry is responding to these concerns. This book presents a detailed study of the climate strategies of ExxonMobil, Shell and Statoil. Using an analytical approach, the chapters explain variations at three decision-making levels: within the companies themselves, in the national home-bases of the companies and at an international level. The analysis generates policy-relevant knowledge about whether and how corporate resistance to a viable climate policy can be overcome. The analytical approach developed by this book is also applicable to other areas of environmental degradation where multinational corporations play a central role.
Karl Magnus Johansson
Sweden: another awkward partner?
Introduction: reluctant yet faithful
Scholars of the European Union must lift the lid off the ‘black box’ of
domesticpolitics to understand the behaviour of Member States in the
integration processes. In this chapter, we will move inside the Swedish
polity by analysing domestic constraints and institutional characteristics.
The overarching aim is to capture the fundamentals of Sweden as an EU
member, thereby identifying the primary actors involved in the