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2543Chap5 16/7/03 9:58 am Page 104 5 The Domestic Politics model Company-specific differences between ExxonMobil, Shell and Statoil can shed light on differences in their climate strategies to only a limited extent. Chapter 4 revealed that company-specific features with implications for climate strategies are marked more by similarities than differences. The CA model is also incapable of explaining changes in corporate climate strategies. We explore whether the national political contexts in which the companies operate prove more capable of explaining

in Climate change and the oil industry
Interpreting change

This book focuses on the Western difficulties in interpreting Russia. It begins with by reflecting on some of the problems that are set in the foundations of Russia's post-Cold War relationship with the West. The book points to problems that emerge from linguistic and historical 'interpretation'. It looks at the impact of Russia's decline as a political priority for the West since the end of the Cold War and the practical impact this has had. It then reflects on the rising influence, especially, but not only, in public policy and media circles, of 'transitionology' as the main lens through which developments in Russia were interpreted. The book then examines the evolution of the West's relationship with Russia since the end of the Cold War, focusing particularly on the NATO-Russia relationship. It focuses on the chronological development of relations and the emergence of strategic dissonance from 2003. The book also looks at Russian domestic politics, particularly the Western belief in and search for a particular kind of change in Russia, a transition to democracy. It continues the exploration of domestic politics, but turns to address the theme of 'Putinology', the focus on Putin as the central figure in Russian politics.

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Liberal reform and the creation of new conflict economies

arguably, this had a limited impact during the period that internationals continued to constitute a majority on all panels and boards (Riinvest, 2007). Furthermore, despite its illegality, municipalities have continuously tried to appoint directors of their choosing to manage SOEs, and have at times expropriated SOEs’ land and assets for their own use (KTA, 2006a, 2005f). Eyre and Wittowsky, both of whom worked for Pillar IV in Kosovo, provide several examples of cases where domestic political competition erupted within SOEs and POEs, in some instances involving

in Building a peace economy?
Managing the criminal facets of war economies

realities into their decisions and an ability to negotiate with domestic political concerns. However, this also acted as a strong signal in terms of where the loyalties of the UN mission lay. In this case, ‘Albanian law’ was chosen over ‘Serbian law’. It was one of the first gestures which would allow for a shift in the balance of power within the territory and within the region – a shift, which as will be further discussed, has facilitated the creation of an Albanian-dominated political-economic environment. In the field of security sector reform, however, there is also

in Building a peace economy?
Open Access (free)
Protecting borders, confirming statehood and transforming economies?

the borders not only makes a strong statement about the status of Kosovo as an independent entity, but is also a clear tool for the international community to monitor the movement of goods and people across all borders, preventing economic, political or social problems from arriving at their own borders. In this sense, customs services are not necessarily created in order to transform domestic political-economic relationships, but rather are created as a form of containment with the primary goal being to protect the economies and borders of powerful states. Moreover

in Building a peace economy?
DSI approaches and behaviours

willing to take the risk of engaging in the difficult issues found through an SPE analysis. From occasions where DSI actors have implemented programming that would be reflective of an SPE reading, a preliminary analysis of factors which might allow the problem of choosing apolitical strategies to be overcome emerges. Some initial thoughts on what might facilitate such ‘policy moments’ are worth highlighting. Changes in domestic political context are one factor which can create the space to engage in more politically ‘risky’ programming. For example, suggestions that

in Building a peace economy?
Open Access (free)

reputation, and high organisational learning capacity would lead to a proactive strategy on climate change. Likewise, we assumed that the converse – i.e. high environmental risk, no negative public scrutiny, and a low capacity for organisational learning – would lead to a reactive climate strategy. The second perspective – the Domestic Politics (DP) model – postulates that differences in climate strategy can mainly be explained by differences in the national political contexts of the companies rather than in the companies themselves. This model is based on theories of

in Climate change and the oil industry
Open Access (free)
One way to Europeanisation

high level of attention, since this sector was one of the most affected by integration. Externally, 2444Ch15 3/12/02 358 2:06 pm Page 358 Member States and the European Union the Portuguese priorities were directed towards Africa and Latin America.8 The new policies introduced by the TEU forced the government to adjust its own priorities: EMU and the participation in the single currency turned into one of the top Portuguese priorities. The domestic political changes also affected the ranking of priorities. The socialist party won the 1995 general elections.9

in Fifteen into one?
Common problem, varying strategies

Multinational corporations are not merely the problem in environmental concerns, but could also be part of the solution. The oil industry and climate change provide the clearest example of how the two are linked; what is less well known is how the industry is responding to these concerns. This book presents a detailed study of the climate strategies of ExxonMobil, Shell and Statoil. Using an analytical approach, the chapters explain variations at three decision-making levels: within the companies themselves, in the national home-bases of the companies and at an international level. The analysis generates policy-relevant knowledge about whether and how corporate resistance to a viable climate policy can be overcome. The analytical approach developed by this book is also applicable to other areas of environmental degradation where multinational corporations play a central role.

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Another awkward partner?

2444Ch16 3/12/02 16 2:06 pm Page 369 Karl Magnus Johansson Sweden: another awkward partner? Introduction: reluctant yet faithful Scholars of the European Union must lift the lid off the ‘black box’ of domestic politics to understand the behaviour of Member States in the integration processes. In this chapter, we will move inside the Swedish polity by analysing domestic constraints and institutional characteristics. The overarching aim is to capture the fundamentals of Sweden as an EU member, thereby identifying the primary actors involved in the

in Fifteen into one?