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The logics underpining EU enlargement
Helene Sjursen and Karen E. Smith

of foreign and security policy. The classical realists, as well as their inheritors the neo-realists and neo-liberal institutionalists, ground their analysis in assumptions drawn from a logic of consequences (Baldwin 1993 ; Moravcsik 1998 ; Krasner 1999 ). It is often argued that this approach is particularly suited to studies of foreign policy issues (as opposed to domestic political issues) because of the assumption of international anarchy

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy
Open Access (free)
Kerry Longhurst

Republic to approach rearmament in a way that would clearly limit the size and remit of the Bundeswehr. Berger’s mobilisation of political–military culture is accompanied by an elaborate conceptualisation of how this culture impacts on behaviour. He seeks to avoid the problems of tautology and to this end sees that a political–military culture influences policy in a number of ways: by supplying the goals and norms of political actors; by determining how actors perceive the domestic political environment; by influencing actor’s assessments of the international environment

in Germany and the use of force
Between international relations and European studies
Ben Tonra and Thomas Christiansen

to make theoretical claims from analyses of either CFSP or its predecessor EPC have employed domestic politics models (Bulmer 1983 ; Holland 1987 ). In sum, the field of study in EPC/CFSP has been dominated by empirical accounts of decision-making, policy-making and regional or issue-based case studies. Only infrequently are such accounts grounded in an explicit theoretical framework and even then such analyses are, more often

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy
Thomas Robb

having to suffer the strategic consequences of this being done unilaterally.216 Domestic politics were also prevalent in altering US policy. Confronting a hostile Congress which demanded troop reductions globally (in 1971 the Democrat Senator George McGovern, who would contest the 1972 presidential election, called for the halving of American forces in Europe), the MBFR offered a way for Nixon to reduce America’s commitments while maintaining a rough equivalence with the USSR.217 Melvin Laird was especially conscious of the domestic pressures being placed upon the

in A strained partnership?
Adrian Hyde-Price

analysis for international political theory; (2) the key structures in the states’ system are intersubjective, rather than material; and (3) state identities and interests are in important part constructed by these social structures, rather than given exogenously to the system by human nature or domestic politics’ (Wendt 1994 : 385). This structural definition of constructivism is problematic in a number of respects. A better

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy
Kerry Longhurst

Longhurst, Germany and the use of force.qxd 30/06/2004 16:25 Page 25 2 Stunde Null and the ‘construction’ of West German strategic culture Interest politics alone . . . cannot account for Germany’s pacifistic military security policy, nor does it provide a satisfactory explanation of Bonn’s approach to national sovereignty or its aversion to unilateralism. One must look beyond material and political interests to the politics of national identity in post war Germany, which unfolded in searing domestic political debates over rearmament, reunification, and

in Germany and the use of force
M. Anne Brown

domestic political and legal jurisdiction between states is understood as paramount, and efforts to respond to abuse as threatening principles of non-interference, or (paradoxically) as threatening the vast welter of cross-border dealings which constitute the rhythms of contemporary life. Or, conversely and most powerfully, dealing with difference in the context of international human rights issues can be reduced to a confrontation between the evil empire and the forces of light. As is discussed further in chapter 3 , the assertion of difference

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
From Afghanistan to Iraq
Kerry Longhurst

thinking; furthermore it was characterised by an interplay of short-term domestic political goals with more entrenched long-standing beliefs and values about the use of force and role of multilateralism. As a consequence, the 2000–3 period brought to the fore the fragility and complexity of the elite-level political consensus and extent of public Longhurst, Germany and the use of force.qxd 78 30/06/2004 16:25 Page 78 Germany and the use of force support which had grown up around and sanctioned the enlargement of the Bundeswehr’s role during the previous decade

in Germany and the use of force
Thomas Robb

cooperation.163 In London, Heath believed that Nixon’s domestic problems had driven the US decision to move to DEFCON III, which, in turn, was seen as a grossly disproportionate reaction to the situation.164 Perhaps the prime minister was correct to think that domestic politics had played a part in the decision. However, he failed to grasp that US policy was determined to exclude the USSR from the region, and US actions were conditioned in pursuit of this ambition. Regardless, Heath was nonplussed by American actions and was determined to ascertain why the US had employed

in A strained partnership?
Open Access (free)
Thomas Robb

future. This loss of interest can be explained because of an intermixing of strategic and domestic political factors: US–Soviet diplomacy was stalling in a number of areas, internationally the entire détente project appeared to be collapsing, SALT II had become mired in technical debate with little likelihood of further progress, the Paris Peace Agreement collapsed in April 1975 when North Vietnam captured Saigon, and the USSR appeared to be advancing in Africa. The CSCE summit in July–August 1975 had also not resulted in any discernible shifts in Soviet foreign policy

in A strained partnership?