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Obama, Trump and the Asia Pacific political economy
Michael Mastanduno

. Throughout the post-war era, US foreign economic policies have been shaped significantly by broader geopolitical and security strategies. This is true for both Obama and Trump. For Obama, the pursuit of hegemony using more limited means dictated a regional shift to the Asia Pacific. His administration devised an economic strategy that complemented this geopolitical approach and simultaneously reaffirmed America’s traditional role as leader of a liberalising world economy. For Trump, the overall rejection of America’s hegemonic project has been accompanied by a departure

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Robert Sutter

initiatives upset regional stability, complicating the foreign policies of Asian partners and opponents alike, including China. Subsequent pragmatic summitry eased regional anxiety and clarified the new government’s security and political objectives. An effective American strategy remained elusive, especially because of deep divisions in the American administration on trade and economic policy. In 2018, tariffs and restrictions on Chinese investments showed a harder line compatible with an overall toughening of diplomacy, consistent with the administration’s National

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Open Access (free)
An endangered legacy
Matteo Dian

Introduction This chapter will discuss the legacy of the Obama administration of 2009–17 for US–Japan relations. It will highlight elements of change and continuity that characterised the Obama years in the realms of security and economic policy, as well as the significance of historical memory and the processes of reconciliation between the two countries. It will also discuss policy shifts promoted by the administration of President Donald Trump at around the halfway mark of his 2017–21 presidential term in office. The Trump presidency, it is argued, has

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
John P. Willerton and Geoffrey Cockerham

the FSU. Thus, while security and economic agreements were hammered out, states did not commit the necessary resources or engage in the development of intergovernmental institutional arrangements necessary to translate stated common interests into tangible policy results. Meanwhile, Russian unilateralism in its economic policies took precedence over its stated foreign policy multilateralism.15 With the massive costs of regional economic and security reintegration becoming more immediate, Russia exhibited mounting caution in transforming its hegemonic power interests

in Limiting institutions?
Promises and perils
Prashanth Parameswaran

can be shaped to a significant degree by not just his own record, but that of his successor as well. While Obama’s failure to finalise the TPP during his time in office was viewed as a failure as he left, Trump’s withdrawal from the agreement and subsequent approach to economic policy has made Obama’s record on this count seem much more favourable relatively speaking. And depending on how Trump’s tougher approach to China plays out, it could either expose the folly of the overly cautious approach to China during the Obama years, or in fact reinforce the necessity of

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Impact of structural tensions and thresholds
Eşref Aksu

. 36 The Declaration by the United Nations was signed by 26 states on 1 January 1942. 37 For US economic ‘national interests’ in Africa, for instance, see V. McKay, Africa in World Politics (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1974 ), pp. 278–82; and for Soviet economic policy toward Africa

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Autopilot, neglect or worse?
Nick Bisley

predecessors in the trade sphere. The Obama administration tried to use economic policy to sustain the old alignment of economic and security interests that was being disrupted by China’s rise. In walking away from trade agreements and adopting a narrowly instrumental approach to trade and economic relations, Trump is unwittingly strengthening China’s position and undermining US security policy as it is widening the gap between regional countries’ economic and security interests. It also risks adding an overtly politicised dimension to regional economics. But Trump has

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Stuart Horsman

external actors should be seriously involved. Economic policies and priorities have hampered cooperative water management. The continuation of Soviet-style and unsustainable environmental and economic practices has been a major impediment for Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. Admittedly, there has been a modest decline in acreage under cotton since 1991, and a corresponding expansion in less ‘water-thirsty’ grain production. This change in the composition of crops under cultivation has been undertaken principally to promote national food self-sufficiency, rather than to

in Limiting institutions?
Raymond Hinnebusch

middleman operations with the Western market, have a clear interest in pro-Western foreign policies. In states such as Egypt and Tunisia, the new infitah bourgeoisie is likely to advocate the liberal foreign economic policies needed to establish an attractive investment climate and attract foreign partners; such bourgeoisies, integrated into globalised money markets, enjoy leverage over governments from their ability to damage the local economy through capital flight. Where the top political elite are themselves major business operators and investors – the ruling

in The international politics of the Middle East