’ in the newly (re)launched Közgazdasági Szemle (Economic Review) in December 1954 (Péter, 1954). There has been a fair number of publications on Péter’s essays of the 1950s and later, and on his contributions to the ideas underlying the economic reforms and reform economics of the 1960s Consumer and consumerism under state socialism 15 (Szamuely, 1986; Árvay et al., 1994). What I focus on here is what he wrote about the consumer. Péter thought it important to take a step beyond what was soon to become the ‘standard list’ of critical complaints against the
endorse hegemonic heteronormative practices of public acceptance. These suggested transformations are dependent upon changes in the public discourse of singlehood together with structural and institutional change. It would be interesting to analyze the 2016 presidential campaign in the US, and to analyze its results taking into consideration the votes of single women and whether personal status affected their voting patterns. These new developments could lead to broad-based social and economic reforms, and the development of the material and discursive conditions that
reform should come first ‘because democracy legitimates the market, not the reverse’.45 However, without comparable economic reforms accompanying political change, transitional states cannot generate the necessary social cleavages around which parties need to coalesce and compete for power. As Smolar observes, ‘in state socialist societies, the typical citizen identified with only two levels of community, one was family and friends, and the other was the nation. Identification with any intermediate structures was lacking altogether. In addition, the proletarianisation
-interest. Social democrats have often believed individuals to possess a fundamental altruism that is suppressed by market capitalism, but which would flourish once appropriate social and economic reforms were in place (Titmuss, 1970: 209–24; cf. Baldwin, 1990). In the post-classic era by contrast, we have been exposed to new versions of those doctrines that stress individualistic self-interest in the form of a strange blend of market libertarianism and moral conservatism. Second, there have been constructivist conceptions which challenge the belief that there is any pre
following two decades to reach US$6916 million by 1990 (Situmbeko and Zulu, 2004 ). That the majority of this borrowing was from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank placed Zambia in a ‘recipient’ relationship with these donor organizations. Like other similarly indebted countries, Zambia had little choice but to implement the neo-liberal economic reforms that comprised the Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) instigated by the IMF and World
under the policy of ‘economic reform and opening up’ (gaige kaifang), sexuality, gender and feminism re-emerged from academic and popular discourses ( Zhong, 2007 ). Male same-sex behaviours were decriminalised in 1997, and homosexuality was officially de-pathologised in 2001 ( Kang, 2012 ). After the twenty-first century started, owing to the development of the