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Editor: Peter Burnell

Democratization is a major political phenomenon of the age and has been the focus of a burgeoning political science literature. This book considers democratization across a range of disciplines, from anthropology and economics, to sociology, law and area studies. The construction of democratization as a unit of study reflects the intellectual standpoint of the inquirer. The book highlights the use of normative argument to legitimize the exercise of power. From the 1950s to the 1980s, economic success enabled the authoritarian governments of South Korea and Taiwan to achieve a large measure of popular support despite the absence of democracy. The book outlines what a feminist framework might be and analyses feminist engagements with the theory and practice of democratization. It also shows how historians have contributed to the understanding of the processes of democratization. International Political Economy (IPE) has always had the potential to cut across the levels-of-analysis distinction. A legal perspective on democratization is presented by focusing on a tightly linked set of issues straddling the border between political and judicial power as they have arisen. Classic and contemporary sociological approaches to understanding democracy and democratization are highlighted, with particular attention being accorded to the post-1989 period. The book displays particularities within a common concern for institutional structures and their performance, ranging over the representation of women, electoral systems and constitutions (in Africa) and presidentialism (in Latin America). Both Europe and North America present in their different ways a kind of bridge between domestic and international dimensions of democratization.

Open Access (free)
La gauche de la gauche
Jim Wolfreys

climate characterised by both stagnation and volatility. Changes in the party system Belated industrialisation, the Socialist–Communist split and longstanding ideological divisions have all been cited as factors delaying the formation of modern, disciplined party machines in France. Long into the twentieth century, the political system incubated numerous parties, most of them Beyond the mainstream: la gauche de la gauche 93 with weak structures and limited militant bases. Under the Fifth Republic, revision of the electoral system forced parties to combine in

in The French party system
Ben Clift

what should be the nature of those allegiance arrangements) and how the PS should seek to restructure the electoral system, thus reshaping the balance of forces within the French party system. This chapter considers how PS factionalism and organisational changes structure the internal debate, and shape the PS approach to the two dimensions of political strategy. The final section examines a series of significant episodes in the PS’s development in the 1990s and explores the processes of interaction between intra-party politics and opportunities for party system

in The French party system
Open Access (free)
Roger Southall

differences of interpretation and emphasis with regard to, in particular: first, elections, electoral systems and constitutionalism; and second, the relationship between democratization and development. Elections, electoral systems and constitutionalism Very considerable attention has been devoted to the study of elections, and not least in the period 1950–65 when electoral procedures were used to determine, or at least to legitimate, ‘the form, rate and direction of the decolonization process’ (Cohen 1983: 73). Later, as Cohen (1983) notes, the tendency for military

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Geoffrey K. Roberts and Patricia Hogwood

Union. Electoral systems The president is elected by direct universal suffrage for a term of six years and may not serve more than two terms. Elections to the Nationalrat are based on a system of proportional representation, the ‘enforced’ preference voting system, with a 4 per cent threshold. Term of office: four years. Austrian presidential

in The politics today companion to West European Politics
Jocelyn A. J. Evans

electorate in the domestic arena are undoubtedly legitimist and represent the traditional bastions of conservative right-wing support in France. Older, male, petty bourgeois and agriculturally based, the electorate does not differ substantially from the traditional core support of the RPR (Ivaldi, 1999b: 643). Its score of 13.1 per cent represented the dual positive effect of the proportional electoral system combined with the importance of charismatic heads of the national-constituency lists. However, the elections also represented the first time since the onset of the

in The French party system
So, no change there then?
David Broughton

generally agreed that, in 2001, tactical voting by Labour supporters enabled the Liberal Democrats to retain some of the seats they first won in 1997 while Liberal Democrat voters returned the favour for Labour to do the same.9 The Conservative Party also simultaneously suffered from the workings of the first-past-the-post electoral system, as we shall see later on. Given this outcome in 2001, and looking ahead to the next general election in 2005/6, the Conservatives will need a uniform national swing to them of at least 6.5 per cent. A swing of 9 per cent will make the

in The Conservatives in Crisis
Open Access (free)
Neil McNaughton

that demands for reform were hardening. This was demonstrated by growing support for the Liberal Democrats, who strongly advocated reform, for campaign groups such as Charter 88 and for Scottish and Welsh Nationalists. The principles of Labour’s reform We can divide Labour’s reform programme into the following processes. ● Democratisation. Too much of the British political system was seen as undemocratic. The prime targets were the unelected House of Lords, and the notoriously unrepresentative electoral system. ● Decentralisation. As we have seen above, Labour

in Understanding British and European political issues
Open Access (free)
Party system change and electoral prospects
Gilles Ivaldi

, the number of parliamentary parties is largely influenced by the mechanical process of translating votes into seats (Charlot, 1993). Analysis of vote transfers between the two rounds of legislative elections points out the substantial effect of the bipolar constraints imposed by the second ballot, the impossibility of minor parties gaining sufficient support to win parliamentary representation, and the tendency for the electoral system to manufacture parliamentary majorities for parties that have not necessarily received majority support from the voters. The

in The French party system
Alistair Cole

rules of the game favour a bipolarised party system, as we shall see later on when we briefly consider the 2002 elections. In historical terms, these institutional factors were even more important. With the emergence of strong, stable governments encouraged by the 1958 constitution, parties were deprived of their former capacity for Byzantine political manoeuvre in an Assembly-dominated regime. A separate but related institutional argument highlights the role of the two-ballot electoral system in parliamentary elections (Bartolini, 1984). By its discriminatory effects

in The French party system