, or to write histories of ideas tracing the morphology of a
given concept over time’ (Skinner 1969: 48). For, as he goes on, ‘the classic
texts are concerned with their own alien problems’ (52). Any ‘statement is
inescapably the embodiment of particular intentions, or a particular
occassion’, and thus specific to its context in a way that it can only be
‘naïve to try to transcend’ (50).
Skinner has a point. Rousseau was obviously a product of his age. As is
natural, even for a genius, he reacted to developments in his own age. Yet
this does not mean that we cannot
and audiences perceive through transnational media is adapted or vernacularised through their own perceptions of race and identity. This is already recognised, latently, in south-east European feminist media studies of female embodiment in pop-folk performance, which often comment on the vernacularisation of style, movement and sound from Anglo-American musics but much more rarely discuss how many of these practices at point of origin are racialised as black. Does it matter, in interpreting these performances, that their representations of aspirational excess using
articulated with dominant representations of modernity and its
spatial-temporal trajectory as a self-realizing project of progress and
a self-evident embodiment of history. As worldly knowledge, then, these
neat proposals, abiding oppositions, and their constitutive presumptions
entered the lives of historical subjects, albeit at different times and
in distinct ways. Formidably if variously disseminated as ways of
What does race have to do with the Yugoslav region?
only on ‘ethnicity’ while excluding ‘race’:
Native and non-native scholarship on the history and culture of peoples in the region treats ‘ethnicity’ as the central category that has organized group and individual identities and social relations in the area. Political scientists and area studies scholars in the so called ‘West’ describe the Balkans as the embodiment of ‘ethnic nationalism’ and ‘ethnic violence’ while highlighting the democratic, pluralistic, civic and developed nature of a Western
, there is neither an excision of the details by
their being assimilated to the endless analytics of unpicking and
unmasking, principally unhinged from temporal/spatial matrices, nor is
there a privileging of particulars by their being presented as innate embodiments of alterity and locality,
difference and place.
Having outlined the broad lineaments of the endeavor
ahead, before proceeding any further it
paradigmatic status (Hall 1998: 1).
Ernest Gellner has defined nationalism as ‘a political principle, which
holds that the political and national unit shall be congruent’ (Gellner 1983:
1). It is about ‘entry to, participation in, and identification with a literate
high culture, which is co-extensive with the entire political unit’ (15).
Nationalism is the embodiment of the new imperative of cultural
homogeneity, which is the very essence of nationalism for the first time in
world history a high culture becomes the pervasive and operational culture
of an entire society.
anything else. The temporality in question here will, of course, be
a central issue in modernist art: Proust’s moment privilégié and Joyce’s epiphany,
for example, echo what Schlegel intends. The other aspect of art highlighted by
Schlegel is allegory, which he understands as being a result of the impossibility
of presenting a positive account of the absolute. Allegory points beyond itself
and it is therefore not, as a symbol is, a sensuous embodiment of what it means.
In this respect allegory is analogous to Kant’s sublime. For Schlegel, then, one
is left with the
intervention developed – yet ethnographies of post-conflict–postsocialist Bosnia rarely discuss them. NATO's multinational military force (Implementation Force (IFOR) and Stabilization Force (SFOR)), which replaced UNPROFOR after Dayton, and the UN's International Police Task Force (IPTF) that monitored and assisted local police, occasioned numerous encounters between Bosnians and people of colour within an intervention that many Bosnians experienced as disempowering, unaccountable and indeed neo-colonial. 9 If these were neo-colonial authorities, their embodiment was
Hegel has to argue that the ideal content of a word can survive this ‘fragile vibration’ in the same way as the Idea overcomes the transience of its objective
embodiments. This is precisely what Foucault denies is the case for what he sees
as philosophically the most signiﬁcant development of language in modernity.
For Hegel the note ‘admittedly also does have a content, yet not one in the sense
of the visual arts or literature; for what it lacks is precisely objective formation
[Sichausgestalten], whether it be formation into forms of real external appearances or
: the Gods ‘do not mean it,
they are it’ (I/5 p. 401). A gap between concrete image and what it represents
does not exist in such a culture. (The concern here is not, one should add, with
the historical or philosophical validity of this view, but rather with its implications for conceptions of language in the early modern period in Germany.)
According to the PA there is no need, with regard to this sort of myth, for philosophical reﬂection, because what we have come to see in terms of the idea and
its objective embodiment are already united. The stories are ‘of ’ the