since the (formal) retreat of Western empires.
As Sadeq al-Azm has noted, the Arabs and Muslims, viewing themselves as a historically great nation and bearers of God’s true religion, find it hard to accept their domination by the West ( Arab Studies Quarterly , 19:3, 1997, 124). As such, external intervention and its often damaging consequences has stimulated an on-going reaction manifested in nationalist and Islamic movements, in the rise of revisionist states, and in the attempts of regional states to assert autonomy and to restructure
) about post-war Germany. Jenning’s films have
in general been analysed within the history of the Documentary Film
Movement, tightly associated with notions of Britishness. In a sense,
this was inevitable, since its origins lay in powerful British
institutions of the 1930s and 1940s, such as the Empire Marketing Board
(EMB), the General Post Office (GPO), and the Crown Film Unit. However,
after the Second
Television and the politics of British humanitarianism
( Abingdon : Routledge , 2015 ), pp. 76 – 91 .
The historiography of humanitarianism in
particular has been flourishing in recent years. Michael Barnett’s
historical overview remains a seminal publication: Empire of
Humanity: A History of Humanitarianism (Ithaca: Cornell
University Press, 2011). See also Kevin O’Sullivan et al
Present ’, in M. Barnett and T. Weiss (eds), Humanitarianism
in Question: Politics, Power, Ethics ( Ithaca : Cornell University Press ,
2008 ), pp. 1 – 48 . For an authoritative account
of the development of humanitarianism since the nineteenth century, see
M. Barnett , Empire
of Humanity: A History of Humanitarianism ( Ithaca and London : Cornell
University Press , 2013 ). For
M . Barnett , Empire of Humanity: A History of
Humanitarianism ( Ithaca :
Cornell University Press , 2011 ), p. 105 .
Barnett, Empire of Humanity , p. 108.
Tales of the imperfect implementation of this project are legion,
often testifying to a blind faith in technology without
powers. What seemed ‘internal’ conflicts to the old
colonialists (meaning internal to their colonial empires, as in Algeria
or Rhodesia) were considered ‘international’ by the
superpowers (meaning that the other superpower might intrude into that
conflict at any moment). In this sense, the UN’s response to
intra-state conflicts could not but reflect an overwhelming
preoccupation with international
tribes, peoples, notably the Arabs, lacked the defined sense of territorial identity and attachment to the land associated with peasant societies. The important exceptions, those societies with substantial peasantries – Turkey, Iran and Egypt – are those where contemporary states most closely approximate national states.
Aggravating the situation was the way the contemporary states system was imposed at the expense of a pre-existing cultural unity deriving from centuries of rule by extensive empires ruling in the name of the Islamic umma . Where
globalized capital, which systematically bear less frequent mention in
narratives of toxicity than the cautionary warnings from the seat of US
empire.’ 52 Chen’s
analysis encourages us to think carefully about the dangers of parenting
narratives of protection, as such narratives can easily extend into
nationalist narratives. Moreover, against the history of colonialism and
empire, the global South becomes a
Cinema, news media and perception management of the Gaza
Crumbling Media War’, 23 July 2014, http://deepakumar.net/empire-bytes/telegenically-dead-israels-crumbling-media-war/.
Accessed 10 September 2016.
J. Snow, ‘The Children of Gaza’, 27 July 2014,
Accessed 10 September 2016
at stake and the normative preferences that accompanied them. The
chapter will conclude by examining the implications of this ambiguity
for the ensuing normative synthesis.
Cyprus, the home of a Hellenic
civilisation, became part of the Ottoman Empire in 1571. The island came
under British rule in 1878. During the decolonisation decade, the