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Open Access (free)
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

medieval Serb Kingdom. By the second half of the fifteenth century, it had become part of the Ottoman Empire’s conquests in the region. It remained in the Ottoman Empire until the First and Second Balkan Wars of 1912 and 1913, when it became, once again, a province of Serbia. Apart from the period of the Second World War, Kosovo remained in Serbia’s ‘successor’, Communist Yugoslavia. 7 Whether as part of the Ottoman Empire

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Open Access (free)
Reflections in a distorting mirror
Christoph Zürcher

republics of the Yugoslav federation became sovereign nation states, recognised by the international community. Second-level territorial units, however, were denied independence, even in cases where they actively sought it. The international community reacted pragmatically to the problem of how to deal with crumbling empires: all first-level republics were, according to the principle of the self

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Open Access (free)
Language games in the Kosovo war
Mika Aaltola

blood, life and death, and, therefore, with war itself. 26 Since Kosovo had been the site of the 1389 battle between Serb forces (in ‘reality’ these forces were ethnically mixed) and the army of the Ottoman Empire, it evoked images of violent early death and horror. Although an event of the distant past, the Field of Blackbirds at Kosovo Pole symbolised the cataclysmic defeat in which the flower of the

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Heikki Patomäki

didn’t speak . . . It would be some time before I fully realised that the United States sees little need for diplomacy; power is enough. Only the weak rely on diplomacy . . . But the Roman Empire had no need for diplomacy. Nor does the United States. Diplomacy is perceived by an imperial power as a waste of time and prestige and a sign of weakness. 9

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Pertti Joenniemi

about something quite different, since the classic Realist reasons for war fighting (the conquest of territory, oil, empire, or other ‘sovereign rights’) did not apply. These modern reasons for war were absent because the conflict in Kosovo centred around the pursuit of moral aims (rather than traditional politics) by other means. The vocabulary employed related more to the tradition of a just war (a

in Mapping European security after Kosovo