Sailors, ‘savages’, and poison
Messer's 1875 report used historical, ethnographic, and medical allusions similar to those employed by Trotter as a means to encourage support for the Melanesian Mission and the Royal Navy's humanitarian endeavour. Whereas sailors had previously been compared with ‘savages’ as a means to point them toward more ‘civilised’ behaviour, Messer was arguably attempting the opposite. By linking sailors’ belief in poisonous arrows with that of Nendö people, Messer sought to equate missionaries’ efforts to bring Christianity to
Balance, malleability and anthropology: historical contexts
the turn of the twentieth century, in the ethnographic work of Franz Boas, that there emerged the idea that each people constitutes a unique and coherent configuration of material and intellectual features.’
Culture as a universal measurement is replaced by a sense of culture as an autonomous, coherent whole, as something to be studied in its specificity.
Heinrich Rickert (1863–1936), a leading neo-Kantian philosopher of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, is seen by Descola as a
Ethnography Reconcile Them? A Quandary for “The New Bioethics”’,
Daedalus, Vol. 128, no. 4 (1999) pp. 69–99.
70 De Vries et al., ‘Social Science and Bioethics’, pp. 2–3. See also Pascal
Borry, Paul Schotmans and Kris Dierickx, ‘The Birth of the Empirical
Turn in Bioethics’, Bioethics, Vol. 19 (2005) pp. 49–71.
71 Turner, ‘Does Bioethics Exist?’, p. 778; see also Bracanovic, ‘Against
Culturally Sensitive Bioethics’.
72 Ruth Macklin, ‘The Death of Bioethics (As We Once Knew It)’,
Bioethics, Vol. 24 (2010) pp. 211–17 (p. 211).
73 O’Neill, Autonomy and Trust in Bioethics, p
Alignment of Scientific and Political Rationalities’, in
Jasanoff (ed), Reframing Rights, pp. 85–105.
76 Jasanoff, ‘Making the Facts of Life’, p. 77.
77 Jasanoff has undertaken a comparative study of bioethics in Britain, the
United States and Germany, but acknowledges that this is a preliminary
sketch rather than a ‘full-scale cross-national ethnography of bioethics’.
See Jasanoff, Designs on Nature, p. 172.
78 See, for example, Steven P. Wainwright, Claire Williams, Mike Michael,
Bobbie Farsides and Alan Cribb, ‘Ethical Boundary-Work in the
‘ “MMR Talk” and Vaccination Choices: An
Ethnographic Study in Brighton’, Social Science & Medicine ,
61 (2005), pp. 709–19, and finally J. Brownlie and A. Howson,
‘ “Between the Demands of Truth and Government”:
Health Practitioners, Trust and Immunisation Work’, Social Science
& Medicine , 62 (2006), pp. 433
Fighting a tropical scourge, modernising the nation
investigating the origins of
yellow fever, research which was published in book form posthumously. 24 Backed by an arsenal of
historical documentation, Carter endorsed the theory defended by Brazilian
Emilio Goeldi, former director of the Pará Museum of Natural History and
Ethnography, according to which Stegomyia fasciata , and therefore yellow
fever, were African in origin. 25
In 1925, a second Rockefeller Foundation commission
40 On the role of folklorists using ethnography to access understandings and meanings of health, see Diane E. Goldstein, Once Upon a Virus: AIDS Legends and Vernacular Risk Perception (Logan: Utah State University Press, 2004); Kitta, Vaccinations and Public Concern in History .
41 As an example of this, see James Hanley's work on nineteenth-century parliamentary petitions as a way of understanding public reaction to policy: James G. Hanley, ‘The public's reaction to public health: Petitions submitted to parliament, 1847–1848’, Social
what became known as the ‘search for meaning’ that was thought to typify the midlife identity crisis.
It also became a notable motif in the work of American researchers, who were developing a variety of ethnographic and survey techniques to evaluate the impact of life transitions on personal identity, health and well-being.
The sense of inevitable crisis and decline that Jaques's concept was thought to carry was often contested, however, particularly by feminist