Translatina world-making in The Salt Mines and Wildness
have noticed, since
that happened, is that there are more girls being murdered or beaten up
because the people who want to do these harmful things can’t get to Laverne
Cox. (Griffin-Gracy et al., 2017: 26)
Increased visibility has also sparked political backlashes in the form of bathroom bills, religious freedom laws, and religious proclamations (Allen, 2018;
Tang, 2017: 364–5; United States Conference of Catholic Bishops, 2017).
Well-intended representations can also exploit their subjects, as critics
of ethnographic documentaries and other representations of
Wordlists, songs, and knowledge production on the colonial Australian
precedent and authority – was only partial. This was, in some significant and painful ways, salvage ethnography: data collected from individuals who were literally remnant populations, violently dispossessed of their lands and often, through massacre, disconnected from long-standing traditions of knowledge transmission based upon age, gender, and cultural authority. 61 Yet it also provides evidence of the deliberate and forward-thinking adaptations made by Indigenous individuals and communities to colonial modernity as it arrived in their country.
Barlow was in no
William Burchell’s Travels in the Interior of Southern Africa
‘researches’ beyond the natural world or ‘the works of the creation’ to include ‘the investigation of man in an uncivilized state of society’. 9 He adds that this ‘will be found to offer … a picture not altogether undeserving of attention if the writer should be able by words to communicate to others those feelings which he himself experienced, and those impressions which his abode among the natives of Africa has made upon his own mind’. 10 Burchell promises the reader not the standard descriptions of ethnographic customs and manners (although he does in fact offer quite
gesture towards the kind of cartographic exchange between Indigenous people and European explorers discussed by Comyn and Fermanis, coming close to Margaret Jolly’s notion of ‘double vision’. 42
Such scenes, which seem to be relatively rare in travel texts from contact zones, are especially worth seeking out because of the generic conventions of the travel writing of exploration, which frequently create what Pratt calls ‘textual apartheid’, either in the form of a separation of people from landscapes or via ethnographic accounts of inhabitants abstracted from the
autobiographical or ethnographic in its generic
force, is not cancelled out. We are thus left suspended, uncertain. There are
many reasons one could adduce for both the suspicion of ﬁctionality in
Calle’s work and the sense of its ultimately uncertain status. I would like to
suggest here that one of the most pervasive triggers of both responses is the
recurrent instance of what I have chosen to call ‘experimental experience’.
Experimental experience takes the form of feelings, emotions, reactions,
etc., which are not so much in and of an underlying self as signs announcing what
brought the colonial frontier into being. The ‘literary conventions of Melanesian discourses’, for example, defined by their ‘savagery’ and ‘bloodthirstiness’, created a ‘self-defensive imagination’ that informed pre-emptive attacks against Islanders. 100 South Africa too was a key investigative site for racial taxonomists and ethnographers, figuring heavily in the ‘construction of racial stereotypes’ through ethnographic displays of Khoisan people and the racialised writings of Robert Knox. 101 The implications of these ethnographic investigations are demonstrable in
of ‘Examples of the Chief Indian Languages of Guiana’, presenting nine English words as they are spoken by seven different tribes. ‘Unfortunately,’ he writes, ‘I have no Arecuna vocabulary at my disposal; but the language differs merely by very slight varieties of pronunciation from the Macusi.’ 45 Readers are left to presume the unimportance of these ‘very slight varieties’.
In addition to producing his ethnographic volume, im Thurn organised the British Guiana collection for the 1886 Colonial and Indian Exhibition in London. Millions of attendees were afforded
and contested in the debate around the film. I argue that the debate ended
up producing a sense of white fragility as a priority instead of dealing with
anti-black racism, its consequences for black people, and its ongoing maintenance through representation.
Before I delve into the turbulent reception of the film, let me first begin by
saying something about the partly auto-ethnographical point of departure
for this text. I draw on my own participation in the debate around the signification of blackness in Little Pink, but these experiential accounts are
not to be
Ethnicity and popular music in British cultural studies
notable exception in this regard is Simon Jones’s Black Culture, White Youth:
The Reggae Tradition from JA to UK (1988). This was an ethnographic research
project – based at the Birmingham Centre – on ethnicity and popular music in
the city of Birmingham. In the study, Jones draws attention to the family
background of Jo-Jo, a second-generation Irish youth who emerges as one of the
dominant voices in the text. Jones explains: ‘Like many of the Irish families in
the area, they had developed close ties with black neighbours by sharing the
same survival strategies, living
’s Writing (Bloomington:
Indiana University Press, 1997), p. 5.
Françoise Lionnet, Postcolonial Representations: Women, Literature, Identity (Ithaca:
Cornell University Press, 1995), in particular pp. 2–4. Lionnet’s relational feminism
also bears comparison with Avtar Brah’s feminist ‘politics of intersectionality’.
Kadiatu Kanneh, African Identities: Race, Nation and Culture in Ethnography, PanAfricanism and Black Literatures (New York and London: Routledge, 1998), p. 154.
See Brah, Cartographies of Diaspora, p. 176; Gayatri Spivak, ‘French feminism in an