Bringing fresh insights to the contemporary globalization debate, this text reveals the social and political contests that give ‘global’ its meaning, by examining the contested nature of globalization as it is expressed in the restructuring of work. The book rejects conventional explanations of globalization as a process that automatically leads to transformations in working lives, or as a project that is strategically designed to bring about lean and flexible forms of production, and advances an understanding of the social practices that constitute global change. Through case studies that span from the labour flexibility debates in Britain and Germany to the strategies and tactics of corporations and workers, it examines how globalization is interpreted and experienced in everyday life and argues that contestation has become a central feature of the practices that enable or confound global restructuring.
Digital maps and anchored time 155
This chapter argues that a practice theory approach, centring on how digital
maps are used in everydaylife, can contribute to the cartographic repertoire.
Beginning with a sketch of cartographic theory from academic cartography to
date, discussion places contemporary cartographic theory in context. This sets
the scene in order to identify a historical limitation in cartographic theory that
a practice theory of digital maps could address; namely, the wider anchoring of
social practices. The following section provides an
an environment in which the mainstream media, political and academic commentaries
construct an ‘other worldly’ globalisation – one that is unreachable, ‘grander’
than ourselves, and whose only link to everydaylife is a top-down ‘impact’ on
local practices. The multiple layers of the restructuring of work, when viewed
from a practice perspective, are simultaneously undertaken in the name of globalisation, while they also interpret, contest and give meaning to that name. This
book has sought to offer three preliminary steps towards an IPE of social practice
Situating peripheries research in South Africa and Ethiopia
Paula Meth, Alison Todes, Sarah Charlton, Tatenda Mukwedeya, Jennifer Houghton, Tom Goodfellow, Metadel Sileshi Belihu, Zhengli Huang, Divine Mawuli Asafo, Sibongile Buthelezi, and Fikile Masikane
framing of urban change, although in reality gaining insights into everydaylife in these wealthier spaces has proved tricky. Some of the key features of peripheries in our understanding are that they are generally spaces located geographically some distance from a main urban core, recognising that this in itself may be fluid and relative, and that they may be close to new growing cores. They are areas of changing land use, where development may be relatively less dense and where a lack of services and infrastructure may be evident. The spaces are commonly residential
Alex Gekker, Sam Hind, Sybille Lammes, Chris Perkins, and Clancy Wilmott
Rhythm has also been approached from different positions. Parkes and Thrift
(1979) were among the first geographers to explore the potential power of
considering how timetables and natural rhythms structure space. An academic turn towards researching mobilities further encouraged a focus on the
performance of different rhythmic patterns. Influential in this context, also from
a Marxist perspective, has been the work of Henri Lefebvre (2004), emphasising
what he termed rhythm-analytical approaches to everydaylife. More cultural
reflections on rhythm and space
the international political economy’
(Enloe, 1989: 4; see also Marchand and Runyan, 2000).
Considered through the lens of a practice perspective, globalisation is
characterised by contests over the reality and representation of social change.
Such contestation can and does take the strategic and organised forms of
promotion and resistance highlighted by the project perspective. However, the
oppositions and tensions of global restructuring are also present in everydaylife. It is helpful to consider the everyday nature of globalisation in terms of
domestic economic policy’
(Coates and Hay, 2000: 2), delineating ‘foreign’ from ‘domestic’, and ‘politics’
from ‘economics’ in a fashion not dissimilar from orthodox approaches to
IPE. As a result, they do not probe the webs of power that make, enable and
contest globalisation in particular ways, and surround and suffuse the restructuring agenda.
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Following the ‘IPE of social practice’, with its emphasis on historicity,
contingency, shifting webs of power and everydaylife, I suggest that the
, thereby reinforcing the idea of a global project, albeit
one that has become entangled with social relations. By contrast, the perspective advanced here views global social change as experienced, given meaning,
reinforced and/or challenged in the everyday structured social practices of
individuals and groups, such that globalisation is marked by contestation over
the reality and representation of social change. Such a perspective rests upon a
conception of ‘everydayness’ and ‘everydaylife’ that does not locate itself
primarily in supposed ‘ground level’ activity or the
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Miettinen , R. , Samra-Fredericks , D
The bridge, the fund and insurance in Dar es Salaam
functions are contingent on the informal. In an economy on the fringes of global finance, Tanzania is aiming at, but not fully achieving, the financialisation of everydaylife. In the absence of a national context that permits the premises of a global financial market, a shadow market is maintained in its absence, both from below and from within. I provisionally conceptualise these financial strategies of market performativity as ‘popular insurance’.
By looking at how two institutionalised infrastructures (the bridge and the fund) operate both in