, and does so as an element in a polity with other elements, with which, when the modus vivendi works, it conflicts, jars, compromises, and accommodates.
The visibility of a sovereign democracy has been located in streets, in dress, in the courtesies of everydaylife. Arriving in Barcelona in 1936, George Orwell reported that ‘Waiters and shop-walkers looked you in the face and treated you as an equal. Servile and even ceremonial terms of speech had temporarily disappeared.’ 27 From a different political direction, Herbert Morrison, reflecting on
“micro-history” and German
“Altagsgeschichte” (history of everydaylife). 62 Finally, it is
against this backdrop that such storylines sketch the problems and
potentialities of social/cultural history, including the dialogue with
anthropology or sociology, in diverse institutional contexts in the here
Once more, the difficulties with such storylines are not
-specific demoi, as Bauböck puts it (pp.
11–12). But nor are many non-state communities. The regulatory breadth of
communities, state and non-state, is also contingent. States are constrained in
their reach in various ways. Just as bye-laws set association rules,
constitutions and other governing instruments set the limits of state power. In terms
of effect on everydaylife, state rules may be less intrusive than the rules of
the non-state communities
Civilising Rural Ireland examines how modern Ireland emerged out of the social and economic transformation prompted by the rural co-operative movement. The movement emerged in response to systemic economic problems that arose throughout the nineteenth century and coincided with a wide-ranging project of cultural nationalism. Within a short space of time the co-operative movement established a swathe of creameries, agricultural societies and credit societies, leading to a radical reorganisation of rural Ireland and helping to create a distinctive Irish political economy. The work of overlooked co-operative experts is critically examined for the first time and reinserted into the process of state development. The interventions of these organisers, intellectuals and farmers built up key institutions that shaped everyday life across rural communities. The movement weathered war and revolution, to become an indispensable part of an Irish state infrastructure after independence in 1922. The strained relationship and economic rivalry that developed between Irish and British co-operators is also explored in order to illuminate the changing relationship between Ireland and the United Kingdom from an economic perspective. Civilising Rural Ireland will appeal to a wide audience interested in modern Irish history and readers are introduced to an eclectic range of personalities who shared an interest in co-operation and whose actions possessed important consequences for the way Ireland developed. The creative use of local and national sources, many of which are examined for the first time, mean the book offers a new perspective on an important period in the making of modern Ireland.
’ or representations of the Arctic as a
political space set the parameters for possible political action. A robust
representation of any policy object most often delimits the kinds of
The power politics of representation 39
actors, rhetoric and practices that are recognised as ‘relevant’, ‘practical’
Analytical attention to framing is a feature of the broader literature
on the social construction of space. This literature resulted from a sense
for the shortcomings of purely temporal explanations in accounting for
how the fabric of everydaylife
culture which nationalists seek to create is frequently composed in part of a distinctiveness in dress, and an attempt to spread, develop, recover, or rediscover distinct nationalist forms of clothing. In Hungary in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, there was an attention to early or original Magyar forms of appearance and decoration, and the incorporation of designs and motifs from a supposed Magyar origin into the fabric, literally, of everydaylife. 53 Iconic images from folk art became embedded in a national identity cultivated in costumes, in
Bourdieu , Outline of a Theory of Practice, trans.
Richard Nice ( Cambridge :
Cambridge University Press , 1977 ); Michel de
Certeau , The Practice of EverydayLife , trans.
Steven F. Rendall ( Berkeley : University of California Press , 1984 ); Reinhart
Koselleck , The Practice of Conceptual History: Timing
. Identification with the nation, that ‘super-individual’
made of a collective ‘we’, can give individuals a sense of
power, control, glory, success, greatness that they rarely, if ever, achieve
in mundane, everydaylife.
Membership of a nation is bound up
with notions of collective consciousness. Increased contact with other
national groups can stimulate consciousness of national differences,
cultivate a feeling of
costs and benefits of their action – or by
exchanging goods in a political market. They also seek goods
which are not measurable and cannot be calculated. Contemporary
social movements … have shifted towards a non-political
terrain: the need for self-realization in everydaylife. In this
respect social movements have a conflictual and antagonistic,
but not a political orientation, because they challenge the
logic of complex systems on cultural grounds.
(Melucci 1989 :
or corridor can constitute the skeletal remains of an entire social order.
In everydaylife the assumptions if not the methods of the archaeologist are applied to discern the identity which people are cultivating. The smallest artefact can constitute part of an expressed identity. A door knocker, a carriage lamp, or the pattern of a curtain serves as a shorthand summary for a lifestyle and a life; the curve of a drive or the shape of a flower bed sets down a conception of order and elegance and the discernment of the persons who enjoy them. When