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Bauböck is ascribing to expatriate voting rights. The second concerns the non-identity of citizenship and authorial membership of the demos. I'll address these in turn. In earlier work explicitly addressing the external franchise, Bauböck ( 2007 ) argues that expatriate voting is neither required nor forbidden by justice. Consider two sets of remarks. In the first, Bauböck reiterates the stakeholder principle
set of circumstances under which expatriates would have a justice-based claim to inclusion in a constitutional demos. It is not entirely clear to me for what kind of decisions a constitutional demos would have to be specified. Owen identifies a narrow class of constitutional decisions that “directly [concern] [non-residents’] very status as citizens” and that “specify the entitlements and obligations of citizens – such as, for example, laws
kind of vulnerability was exposed in the oil monarchies. There, family states with tiny pampered citizen populations dependent on expatriate labour, combined great wealth with low military capability. Their chief liability was their location contiguous to much larger, poorer and militarily stronger states – Iran and Iraq. The Iran–Iraq war spared the monarchies their immediate attentions throughout the 1980s, but the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait administered a shock to these regimes that paralleled the economic crisis in the republics. It showed they could not survive in
Borders .” Political Theory 36 : 37–65 . Arrhenius , Gustaf . 2005 . “ The Boundary Problem in Democratic Theory .” In (ed.), Democracy Unbound , edited by Folke Tersman . Stockholm : Stockholm University : 14–29 . Bauböck , Rainer 2015 . “ Morphing the Demos into the Right Shape: Normative Principles for Enfranchising Resident Aliens and Expatriate
acknowledged to be a mere part of the Arab nation, then Kuwaiti oil would be an Arab patrimony to be equitably shared with other parts of the Arab nation, not least the legions of Arab expatriates working in Kuwait. The geographically separate Maghreb has always identified less with Arab nationalism than local statehood. Some Tunisian writers defend the idea of a distinct Tunisian nation and Morocco has a long history under an independent dynasty (Ayubi 1995: 144). Yet in the 1973 Arab–Israeli war Morocco’s pro-Western ruler thought it to his domestic advantage to send a
expatriates, 13 which could eventually undermine the salience and stability of territorial political boundaries. A second reason is that democracy also needs a sense of “ownership” and belonging to the polity. It is difficult to imagine how hypermobile populations could be citizens of the territorial polity who authorize the government that issues and implements the laws to which they are subjected. If there is a relatively sedentary core population
suspicion in Jakarta (and Canberra) that Portuguese commitment to the processes of decolonisation could not be relied upon, ‘that Portugal could precipitately offload Timor, and would not take pains to avoid playing the interested parties off against each other’ (Viviani, 1976: 204). In Dili, the Portuguese officers running affairs on the ground were responding to the gathering pace of local events with little reference to Lisbon. Thus within Timor ‘the roles played by conflicting Portuguese expatriate factions, principally in the civil administration and the army, were
Israeli occupied territories (Nahas 1985). The attempt to export revolution to Iran’s traditional Gulf neighbours was a high priority. Khomeini insisted that Islam denied the legitimacy of monarchic rule and deprecated the Gulf states for their ‘American Islam’. The Iranian model of Islam, anti-American, mass mobilising, anti-monarchic, and appealing to Shi’a minorities, was especially threatening to these states owing to their own liabilities: retarded nation-building, reliance on expatriate labour, and large subservient Shi’a communities. The
‘Bulgarian Revival’ ( vŭzrazhdane ) 14 had taken place. The first major Bulgarian political revolutionary was Georgi Rakowski, who died of tuberculosis in 1867, but not before he put on course the idea of overthrowing Ottoman rule. He was followed by journalist Lyuben Karavelov, poet Christo Botev and the main organizer, Vasil Levski (the ‘Apostle of Freedom’). 15 Karavelov, Botev and Levski, as expatriates in Bucharest, formed the Bulgarian Revolutionary Central Committee
the London salons of the expatriate Russian propagandist Olga Kireeva Novikova (Novikoff in her English writings), where he first met Gladstone, Carlyle and Froude, among others. Stead was one of the three Englishmen, alongside Gladstone and the liberal journalist Peter Clayden, the editor of the Daily News , to receive a vote of thanks from the first Bulgarian National Assembly in 1878 for their role in the Bulgarian agitation movement in Britain. 105