Louise Zamparutti

This essay analyses the literature on the foibe to illustrate a political use of human remains. The foibe are the deep karstic pits in Istria and around Trieste where Yugoslavian Communist troops disposed of Italians they executed en masse during World War II. By comparing contemporary literature on the foibe to a selection of archival reports of foibe exhumation processes it will be argued that the foibe literature popular in Italy today serves a political rather than informational purpose. Counterpublic theory will be applied to examine how the recent increase in popular foibe literature brought the identity of the esuli, one of Italy‘s subaltern counterpublics, to the national stage. The paper argues that by employing the narrative structure of the Holocaust, contemporary literature on the foibe attempts to recast Italy as a counterpublic in the wider European public sphere, presenting Italy as an unrecognised victim in World War II.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Brian Pullan and Michele Abendstern

with the views adopted by the Vice-Chancellor in 1981 – to the effect that the best way to impress the Government was not to demonstrate on the streets but to lobby behind the scenes. Much of the fiercest campaigning, by Woolton Hall, was in the name of a traditional order, rather than in favour of change. Sexism rivalled, perhaps even replaced, racism and fascism as the principal target of progressive thinkers in the 1980s; it too was recognised chap 12 23/9/03 292 1:19 pm Page 292 The 1980s as an evil which flourished within the University as well as outside

in A history of the University of Manchester 1973–90
Open Access (free)
The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author: Neil Macmaster

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

Open Access (free)
Bill Schwarz

front strategy in which all enemies of fascism – socialist and non-socialist – would seek to unite in order to defeat the greater enemy. This reversal in the policy of the Communist International demanded also that hostility to the colonialism of the western European powers be suspended, winding back across the globe Moscow’s support for anti-imperialist campaigns. In consequence, the Negro

in West Indian intellectuals in Britain
Nursing and medical records in the Imperial War in Ethiopia (1935–36)
Anna La Torre, Giancarlo Celeri Bellotti and Cecilia Sironi

organised and even worse equipped, could do nothing against an expeditionary force that came to commit around 400,000 men and made extensive use of armoured vehicles, air force and poison gas.10 On 31 March 1936, the Ethiopian Army was defeated and on 5 May Italian troops occupied the capital, Addis Ababa. In 1936, fascism reached its peak in terms of support from the Italian people and, at the same time, fostered intolerance against anything that dared to challenge the regime. During his proclamation of the empire speech in Rome on 9 May, Mussolini’s rhetoric inflamed

in Colonial caring
Open Access (free)
Campaigns and causes
Brian Pullan and Michele Abendstern

, but rather at raising its moral stature and freeing it from any taint of racism. This was one of five cankers of the commonwealth: others, providing the boo-words of student politics, were bureaucracy, elitism, fascism and sexism. None of these evils was precisely defined. One correspondent complained to Mancunion that ‘The word “bureaucratic” seems to have a unique meaning in the Manchester dialect. Broadly translated it amounts to “things we don’t like”.’ She might have said the same of the other favourite targets of radical invective. But fascism did begin to

in A history of the University of Manchester 1973–90
Open Access (free)
Europe’s ‘zero hour’
Kjell M. Torbiörn

, from the inter-war period, to be one of ideological division and confrontation – no longer mainly between fascism and communism, but between communism on the one hand, and capitalism and democracy on the other. The United States’ creation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) in 1949 together with eleven West European countries merely confirmed the American commitment to the old continent as manifested through the Marshall Plan. Based on the Washington agreement, NATO committed the participating countries to consider ‘an attack on one of them as an attack

in Destination Europe
Brian Pullan and Michele Abendstern

totalitarianism, and the ‘Fascism of the Left’ was as much to be feared. In debate, some students argued that tyranny was a perversion of Marxism, but essential to Fascism, and so the discriminate treatment of the conflicting ideologies could be justified. As John O’Farrell wrote in his account of eighteen miserable years as a Labour supporter, the great Voltairean principle of free speech was giving way to another – ‘I don’t agree with what you say, and you can’t say it because you’re a Fascist’. In 1981 Geoff Glover, a member of the Union Executive, felt moved to explain a

in A history of the University of Manchester 1973–90
Open Access (free)
Robert Mackay

1930s, important though the Labour Party was in the political affiliations of the working class, it was not the sole contender for those affiliations. This was a time of growth for other ideologies, notably fascism, communism and Celtic nationalism. Any calculation of the strength of popular attachment to the chap1.p65 26 16/09/02, 09:23 WAR IMAGINED 27 existing political and constitutional order, therefore, properly needed to assess the pull of these rejectionist ideologies. By the time the sides in the looming conflict had roughly formed themselves, the

in Half the battle
Harold Moody and the League of Coloured Peoples
David Killingray

black, Christ had died for all without exception. 19 In the 1930s, at a time when fascism and Communism appealed to corporate identity, Moody stressed Christianity’s emphasis on individual worth, arguing that Jesus Christ had said ‘the very hairs on your head are numbered’, and more pointedly, Moody claimed, that ‘Every one is a child for whom Christ died’. 20 Christian redemption was for all without

in West Indian intellectuals in Britain