This essay analyses the literature on the foibe to illustrate a political use of human remains. The foibe are the deep karstic pits in Istria and around Trieste where Yugoslavian Communist troops disposed of Italians they executed en masse during World War II. By comparing contemporary literature on the foibe to a selection of archival reports of foibe exhumation processes it will be argued that the foibe literature popular in Italy today serves a political rather than informational purpose. Counterpublic theory will be applied to examine how the recent increase in popular foibe literature brought the identity of the esuli, one of Italy‘s subaltern counterpublics, to the national stage. The paper argues that by employing the narrative structure of the Holocaust, contemporary literature on the foibe attempts to recast Italy as a counterpublic in the wider European public sphere, presenting Italy as an unrecognised victim in World War II.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
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Warfare, politics and religion after the Habsburg Empire in the Julian March, 1930s– 1970s

Italian Risorgimento and the process of national unity progressively forced the border back east. With the First World War and the end of the Austro-​Hungarian Empire, the Kingdom of Italy also conquered Trieste and infiltrated the Balkans, while the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes emerged. Fascism’s strong nationalist policy violently repressed the Slavic minorities in the region. Between 1943 and 1945, the Second World War caused the territory to be annexed to the Reich and named Adriatisches Küstenland (Adriatic Littoral), with Trieste as its capital. A

in Human remains in society
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Piercing the politics of silencing

system, and ‘you can’t have democracy and socialism’. However, there is no support for fascism among mainstream respondents (two respondents explicitly denounce it) and even one of the Infidels respondents makes a point of distancing himself from fascism since it is rooted in ‘national capitalism’ rather than National Socialism (Nick). Mainstream EDL rhetoric at grassroots level is thus almost completely devoid of any vision of an alternative to democratic governance. This might be anticipated given the concerns among respondents, and the leadership of the movement, to

in Loud and proud
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The imperial metropolis of Heart of Darkness

, that irresistibly, progressing from one consequence to another … calls for its Hitler, I mean its punishment. (p. 176) The metropolitan rebound of this imperial boomerang, for Césaire, culminated in fascism, a regime every bit as spectacular as the violence occurring in the colonies.4 This historical trajectory calls for further critical attention – but it is not my concern here. I want instead to take up an element of the boomerang that Césaire’s formulations hint at but do not develop.5 The insidious power of imperial regimes over their ‘home’ centres developed

in Postcolonial contraventions

, Patriotism and the Growth of Fascism: The British Union of Fascists in the Midlands, 1932–34’, Socialist History , 41 (2012), 63; Thomas Linehan, ‘Space Matters: Spatialising British Fascism’, Socialist History , 41 (2012), 11. 39 John Styles, The Dress of the People: Everyday Fashion in Eighteenth-Century England (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007

in Cultivating political and public identity
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The ethics and politics of research with the ‘far right’

ascertain whether he or she might be open (or hostile) to their cause before agreeing to (or rejecting) the request to participate (2007). While I have no doubt that respondents routinely ‘googled’ me, this verification process in my case was non-threatening and often good-­humoured. At one divisional meeting, I was, unexpectedly, asked to explain plans to make a video documentary at a local demo. Introducing me to the group, the Divisional Organisers joked that they had checked me out and that I was ‘not UAF’ (Unite Against Fascism) (field diary, 19 October 2012

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Everyday trajectories of activism

later operationalised by Adorno et al. in their classic study of The Authoritarian Personality (1950), identified propensity to fascism (among ‘ordinary’ individuals) and attributed these psychological traits primarily to upbringing, especially relations with parents; the authoritarian is assumed to repress resentment against his or her parents and this resentment forms the basis of later prejudices (1950: 38). The authoritarian personality thesis has been robustly critiqued for suggesting inter alia that the contradictions of fascism are contradictions which exist

in Loud and proud
Aspirations to non-racism

4 ‘Not racist, not violent, just no longer silent’: aspirations to non-racism The EDL is widely represented and perceived as a ‘racist organisation’; it is considered to be such by three-quarters (74 per cent) of those surveyed by Extremis/ YouGov in October 2012.1 The EDL itself publicly claims to oppose racism, fascism and Nazism; this is encapsulated in the movement’s core slogan, ‘Not racist, not violent, just no longer silent’ (see Figure 4.1). There is a degree of academic consensus that the EDL is not a classic far right organisation (see the

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Transgressing the cordon sanitaire: understanding the English Defence League as a social movement

radical right has been undertaken largely from a political science perspective drawing on statistical data on voter preference and behaviour, or the analysis of official programmes and statements, to understand the ideology underpinning such parties, their capacity and Introduction: the EDL as a social movement 3 strategies for mobilisation and their electoral viability and prospects. Its outcome often has been the typologisation of parties and movements based on their connections with fascism and National Socialism, current constituencies of support and ideology

in Loud and proud
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Universalism and the Jewish question

mass killings perpetrated by totalitarian regimes. For our generation, the idea of progress was given some sense of reality with the end of fascism and Stalinism, the dismantling of colonial rule, the democratisation of former dictatorships, the fall of apartheid, the unification of Europe, the development of new forms of global governance, international law and human rights, and the rise of antiracist movements. The relation between the idea and reality of

in Antisemitism and the left