its institutions. For all that postwar Canadian conservatism more generally was descended from such politics, it was nevertheless pragmatic and quick in down-playing the British connection. On the contrary, the IODE consistently expressed clear organic sentiments, emphasizing the importance of training future generations in its construction of Canadian identity. In the Cold War it was against the
WHO's strategy, and could hardly be left out. Modifying the path and targeting the ‘Future Generation’ After the development of a domestic vaccine, the Korean government quickly implemented a national hepatitis B prevention strategy in late 1983. 45 The plan was accelerated by the forthcoming Olympic Games, which made the Korean government eager to decrease the hepatitis rate. It
In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.
By expanding the geographical scope of the history of violence and war, this volume challenges both Western and state-centric narratives of the decline of violence and its relationship to modernity. It highlights instead similarities across early modernity in terms of representations, legitimations, applications of, and motivations for violence. It seeks to integrate methodologies of the study of violence into the history of war, thereby extending the historical significance of both fields of research. Thirteen case studies outline the myriad ways in which large-scale violence was understood and used by states and non-state actors throughout the early modern period across Africa, Asia, the Americas, the Atlantic, and Europe, demonstrating that it was far more complex than would be suggested by simple narratives of conquest and resistance. Moreover, key features of imperial violence apply equally to large-scale violence within societies. As the authors argue, violence was a continuum, ranging from small-scale, local actions to full-blown war. The latter was privileged legally and increasingly associated with states during early modernity, but its legitimacy was frequently contested and many of its violent forms, such as raiding and destruction of buildings and crops, could be found in activities not officially classed as war.
same mendelian laws and was as predictive in nature as that of other sexually reproducing organisms’. 16 In 1883 Galton coined the term ‘eugenics’ to describe ‘the study of the agencies under social control that may improve or impair the racial qualities of future generations, either physically or mentally’. 17 As Angus MacLaren has suggested, eugenic arguments also claimed scientific
biological balance’, and that environmental destruction must not be permitted to jeopardize future generations’ room for manoeuvre. 54 The level of ambition for the research programme was unmistakeably high. At the same time, the work plan did not provide any concrete guidance as to how the group should move from planning to research. In conjunction with the meeting at FOA, Birgitta Odén noted that various vested interests had begun to emerge, and that group members were therefore pulling in different directions: scientific
role. She asserted that along with ‘the possibility of the extinction of mankind by nuclear war’, the key problem was ‘the contamination of man’s total environment with such substances of incredible potential for harm’. 27 Her starting point was that over the past twenty-five years, mankind had become a force of nature. Speaking about ‘man’s assaults upon the environment’, she added that a ‘universal contamination of the environment’ was occurring with disturbing rapidity. 28 ‘Future generations’, she wrote
city some 160 km south-west of Stockholm, with a population of about 140,000) and adopting the association’s first political programme. That happened at the annual meeting in early January when more than a hundred members gathered to socialize, go on excursions, make placards, and attain shared ‘doctrines and values’. The new programme announced that we humans were ‘obliged to preserve our limited natural environment for the sake of future generations’ and that the population explosion had ‘developed into a catastrophe
-way nature.’ This meant that we were stealing ‘from future generations – our own and, not least, those of developing countries’. This was a ‘bitter truth’ which political parties and interest groups found difficult to accept because their leaders had been shaped by the early postwar optimism about progress. The new perception of major problems conflicted with that optimism. The leaders therefore clung to an outdated worldview. Still, Fagerberg said that they did not do this out of ill will, but because of innocence and
country a homeland for future generations. Establishing British systems of law and government would be central to that process – and to the subsequent launching of the independent states which would follow if settler hegemony could be achieved. It is clear that the land figured, and continues to figure, prominently in relations between settlers and Indigenes in these societies. It follows, then, that