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conviction that all bishops must protect the rights and powers of their office for future generations. Again, altercations with the state usually hinged on acrimonious jurisdictional issues, with the episcopate considering its role to be that of defender of the church against the aggressive and unwarranted jurisdictional incursions of the secular realm. Disputes of this sort, whether over the trial of bishops or over appels comme d’abus, served not only to develop cohesion and self-identity within episcopal ranks but also to encourage a sense of episcopal responsibility
at all to future generations. As Henry Guerlac has noted, ‘written history can only be highly selective’, partly because of the sheer mass of data available, but also because of the choice exercised by contemporaries in recording events. Thus we can know only what ‘the participants in events or those who came soon after ... determined that we should know. They placed in the intentional record ... those men and events which appeared to them as exceptional, striking and wholly outside the ordinary dull routine of private existence.’4 202 The ‘public sphere’ and the
servitude, and providing, as well, future generations of witches. In the following three questions, the authors examine this curious state of affairs in more detail, beginning with an attempt to construct a coherent picture of the power and the nature of demons and to explain their interest in human sexuality. Logically, they should then turn to the other half of the equation and examine the role of the witch herself. But before they do so, they try to address a perceived weak point in their argument, and embark on a long and confusing questio on the possible influence of
’s French delegates and which could conceivably do so among future generations of bishops. This French tradition provided strongly articulated views on episcopal jurisdictional rights and authority as well as, secondarily, on episcopal spirituality. Ultimately, however, the body of representations on episcopacy that swirled within the Catholic church was as noteworthy for its shortcomings, ambiguities and outright contradictions as for its mature ideals. If French bishops sought jurisdictional, spiritual, theological or pastoral models of episcopacy, they would find
future generations. Every Jew who enters the cemetery sees the two tombstones containing the well-known story of the treacherous behavior of the apostate Jew against a prominent Jewish leader. In the middle of the seventeenth century, Rabbi Yuzfa Shemesh writes that ‘a certain apostate informer denounced him to the King of Rome.’13 It is this perception that accompanies the Jewish apostate from Rothenburg’s time onwards, and it finds expression in the growth of folk stories literature. Towards the end of the thirteenth and the beginning of the fourteenth centuries, we