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its institutions. For all that postwar Canadian conservatism more generally was descended from such politics, it was nevertheless pragmatic and quick in down-playing the British connection. On the contrary, the IODE consistently expressed clear organic sentiments, emphasizing the importance of training future generations in its construction of Canadian identity. In the Cold War it was against the
same mendelian laws and was as predictive in nature as that of other sexually reproducing organisms’. 16 In 1883 Galton coined the term ‘eugenics’ to describe ‘the study of the agencies under social control that may improve or impair the racial qualities of future generations, either physically or mentally’. 17 As Angus MacLaren has suggested, eugenic arguments also claimed scientific
country a homeland for future generations. Establishing British systems of law and government would be central to that process – and to the subsequent launching of the independent states which would follow if settler hegemony could be achieved. It is clear that the land figured, and continues to figure, prominently in relations between settlers and Indigenes in these societies. It follows, then, that
an ever-strengthening capacity, while war memorialization, which continues today, perpetuated memory and simultaneously promoted imperial and national identity through the education of future generations. During the Cold War, Communism was the enemy, with the IODE focusing on the threat it posed to Canadian space and identity, and, in ‘combating Communism’, redefining the principles of Canadian
depended upon many hours of volunteer labour. Soon after the First World War the IODE realized that canadianization would be more influential if continued beyond the spaces of ports and stations. The IODE followed eugenic reasoning and urged intervention to improve and absorb the ‘racial’ qualities of future generations, both physically and mentally. This was particularly
, the mise-en-scène for other adventures away from controlling parents and escapes from the tedium of royal duties. That the empire was quotidian for them reflects an acceptance of its normality as part of British and royal life. For future generations of royals – represented in this chapter by Albert Edward’s second son George – the royal tour as developed and perfected by the Victorian
devolution of Basuto as a political state from sovereignty to quasi-sovereignty. 54 As the 1901 tour will demonstrate, Moshoeshoe’s successors had few opportunities to challenge the symbolic space of the royal visit. While Moshoeshoe’s political compromise with the British helped preserve some Basuto land for future generations, it created a morass for his successors, who lacked Moshoeshoe’s political