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The restructuring of work in Britain
Louise Amoore

clear from Blair’s speech, it can be highly politically expedient to represent globalisation as ‘outside’ and beyond effective control by governments, and to position a national policy programme as a necessary response. This chapter challenges the opposition of globalisation and ‘national capitalisms’ by exploring the making and remaking of a ‘British model’ of hyperflexibility.1 Through a reconceptualisation of ‘models of capitalism’ as shifting and circulating webs of power, I question how it has been possible to represent a flexible ‘model’, and why this

in Globalisation contested
Open Access (free)
An international political economy of work
Louise Amoore

. Representing globalisation in a deterministic and apolitical way, I have argued, decisively enables the restructuring of work to be ordered, disciplined, prescribed and depoliticised. It becomes possible for a range of international economic institutions, governments and corporate strategists to confine debate to an instrumental discussion of reforms, as seen in the World Bank’s (1995; 2001) and the OECD’s (1996; 1997) policy interventions. In many ways the sphere of flexibility in working practices does not serve simply as a ‘case-study’ of flexibilisation, but is pivotal

in Globalisation contested
Open Access (free)
Louise Amoore

the economism and determinism of orthodox accounts have tended to focus on restoring agency to explanations of globalisation. Globalisation is represented as a project that is driven by the conscious political actions of identifiable individual and collective agents. In contrast to the globalist emphasis on technological and economic process, here we have globalisation as either promoted or resisted by governments within distinctive national capitalisms (Hirst and Thompson, 1996; Weiss, 1998), by a transnational class with common interests in a neo-liberal global

in Globalisation contested
The restructuring of work in Germany
Louise Amoore

Deutschland’ in the globalisation debate In chapter 3 I argued that so-called ‘models’ of national capitalism are less coherent and more contradictory than they are commonly presented. In short, a ‘model’ of capitalism is imagined, produced and reproduced over time, enabling certain claims to be made about the nature of social reality, while impeding others. Drawing on a number of studies using Foucault’s concept of ‘governmentality’, it was argued that governmental interventions (in our terms, programmes of restructuring) rely and rest upon the making of specific

in Globalisation contested
Open Access (free)
Unheard voices and invisible agency
Louise Amoore

nature of the concept that has endowed globalisation with such seductive power, inviting people to fill the void with distinctive meanings. The dominant representations of globalisation celebrate a process of change that is the inevitable outcome of the expansionary ambitions of a global economy and transborder technology, and deplore the politicisation of the process: ‘Lately, technology has been the main driver of globalisation … It would be naïve to think that governments could let integration proceed mainly under its own steam, trusting to Amoore_Global_07_Ch6

in Globalisation contested
Louise Amoore

all spheres of social life. The emergence of a political, corporate, societal and academic discourse of flexibility has become a highly visible everyday face of the globalisation debate. Flexibility, as featured in the statements of international economic institutions, national governments and corporations (see, for example World Bank, 1995; OECD, 1996; Beatson, 1995; Department for International Development, 2000), has become a multifarious concept and a universal panacea. It is presented as synonymous with deregulatory government, lean production and the flexible

in Globalisation contested
Open Access (free)
Tuur Driesser

which ‘change cannot be understood as the linear outcome of past conditions or present trends’, the prevention of pandemics works according to a logic where ‘the causes of disaster are presumed to incubate within life’ (Anderson, 2010: 782). Consequently, as the pre-emptive logic marks a shift from a politics of risk to a ‘politics of the possible’ (Amoore, 2013), ‘disease surveillance as pathogen preparedness embodies a discontinuous or sporadic temporality of government’ (Fearnley, 2007: 16). In this sporadic form of government, the PathoMap establishes a rhythm

in Time for mapping
Open Access (free)
The restructuring of work and production in the international political economy
Louise Amoore

domain of the market is represented as encroaching on the domain of the state. For many, the ‘footloose MNC’ has become the visible face of global markets, wielding its power over national governments and changing the balance of political authority in the GPE. As a result, firms have come to be understood as essentially rational actors whose actions have created and sustained an intensification of competition in global markets. For IPE, a specific type of firm, the Amoore_Global_06_Ch5 116 6/19/02, 2:05 PM The ‘contested’ firm 117 MNC, has been cast as the key

in Globalisation contested
Exploring the real-time smart city dashboard
Michiel de Lange

be almost canonising the field (Ciuccarelli, Lupi and Simeone, 2014; Kitchin, 2014; Batty, 2015; Holden and Moreno Pires, 2015; Kitchin, Lauriault and McArdle, 2015a; 2015b; Mattern, 2015; Wilson, 2015). Frequently invoked ancestors include: the automobile dashboard, the airplane cockpit, the space mission control centre, the financial boardroom and state-led industry monitoring. An iconic early urban dashboard was the Cybersyn control centre developed by the cyberneticist Stafford Beer for the Allende government in Chile in 1970 (Medina, 2006; Morozov, 2014; Batty

in Time for mapping
Considerations and consequences
Thomas Sutherland

an apparently effective medium for visually representing information, and the increasingly ubiquitous use of statistics and other such instruments in order to survey and categorise a human population. Eugene Thacker (2004: 178) contends that ‘bodies, though never apolitical, become politically materialised at the moment they are transmuted into policies, laws, governmental guidelines, funding sources, marketable and FDAapproved drugs, and medical-economic investments and insurances’, and while it would not be fair to lump Snow’s study in with such methods of

in Time for mapping