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How Can Humanitarian Analysis, Early Warning and Response Be Improved?
Aditya Sarkar
Benjamin J. Spatz
Alex de Waal
Christopher Newton
, and
Daniel Maxwell

of everything and not all behaviour fits within the framework; it is not economic determinism by another name. Indeed, this logic is often closely intertwined with, and operates alongside, other political logics, such as the logic of exclusionary identity politics ( Kaldor and de Waal, 2021 ). Moreover, political markets, like all other markets, are socially embedded; societal norms shape the market, and certain actions are clearly proscribed. In South Sudan’s civil war, for instance

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
The Marshall Plan films about Greece
Katerina Loukopoulou

– such as the ones about Austria – mobilised national culture and identity politics in their audio-visual rhetoric. 27 Although the MP films about Greece follow this trend, their projection of a ‘humanitarian narrative’ is consistently related to a historical dialectic between modern and classical Greece that positions the MP aid within a dual perspective of national reconstruction and universal necessity

in Global humanitarianism and media culture
Laura Suski

and intensive model of parenting, affects a more universal and collective call for a global international humanitarianism. While social media provides opportunities to share and discuss information about toy safety, it will be argued that emotion is an important part of humanitarian mobilisation, and that the emotions of consumption are often thwarted by the identity politics of consumption

in Global humanitarianism and media culture
New threats, institutional adaptations
James Sperling

those institutions have had in 19 2504Introduction 7/4/03 12:37 pm Page 20 Introduction fostering security cooperation and mitigating conflict in Eurasia. Part II examines a broad range of threats to Eurasian stability and the European security order. Douglas Blum, in Chapter 2, investigates the important role played by identity politics in the shaping of the Eurasian security environment. Blum focuses on the potentially combustible mix of contested national identities and weak state structures that have emerged in the successor states of the former Soviet Union

in Limiting institutions?
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The challenge of Eurasian security governance

Eurasian security governance has received increasing attention since 1989. The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, the institution that best served the security interests of the West in its competition with the Soviet Union, is now relatively ill-equipped resolve the threats emanating from Eurasia to the Atlantic system of security governance. This book investigates the important role played by identity politics in the shaping of the Eurasian security environment. It investigates both the state in post-Soviet Eurasia as the primary site of institutionalisation and the state's concerted international action in the sphere of security. This investigation requires a major caveat: state-centric approaches to security impose analytical costs by obscuring substate and transnational actors and processes. The terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon marked the maturation of what had been described as the 'new terrorism'. Jervis has argued that the western system of security governance produced a security community that was contingent upon five necessary and sufficient conditions. The United States has made an effort to integrate China, Russia into the Atlantic security system via the Partnership for Peace (PfP) programme and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council. The Black Sea Economic Cooperation has become engaged in disseminating security concerns in fields such as environment, energy and economy. If the end of the Cold War left America triumphant, Russia's new geopolitical hand seemed a terrible demotion. Successfully rebalancing the West and building a collaborative system with Russia, China, Europe and America probably requires more wisdom and skill from the world's leaders.

Luca Raineri
Francesco Strazzari

stretched welfare system of southern European countries. It was also argued that the migration crisis, and the politicisation thereof, foreshadowed a deeper normative crack involving an existential crisis, whereby the rise of populist and xenophobic parties on the extreme right of the political spectrum fuelled nationalist sentiments and identity politics which, in turn, threatened the multilateralist

in The EU and crisis response
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

practices may have fuelled the continuation of war and may not have fostered industry. However, they have made the DRC and other neighbouring countries’ economies grow (Bayart 1998; Straus and Waldorf 2011). Additionally, as the localists and regionalists have argued, the resource wars thesis neglects important identity, political and security concerns that go hand in hand with economic motivations. These criticisms have resonated strongly in the most recent policy strategies, to the point of embracing them (Day and Ayet Puigarnau 2013; Framework Agreement 2013; ISSSS

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
Ingo Peters
Enver Ferhatovic
Rebea Heinemann
, and
Sofia Sturm

ambitious peace cannot be achieved >>Limited peace is based upon a fragile equation of state interests, issues and resources often depending on external guarantors >>Broke away from state-centric notions of conflict >>Human needs like identity, political participation, and security put over

in The EU and crisis response
A framework for understanding EU crisis response
Oliver P. Richmond
Sandra Pogodda
, and
Roger Mac Ginty

implemented. Human needs – identity, political participation, and security – are viewed as non-negotiable because they are founded on a universal ontological drive ( Azar and Burton, 1986 ). From this assertion, it was a short step to the realisation that the repression and deprivation of human needs is the root of protracted conflicts ( Azar, 1990 : 9–12), along with

in The EU and crisis response