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Jamie Heckert

5 Jamie Heckert Sexuality/identity/politics1 Introduction At an anarchist discussion group, I confessed to working for the council. I explained that I felt justified because the sexual health programme in which I was involved was so incredibly progressive. The person to whom I had made this admission replied, rather haughtily, ‘I hardly think sex education is revolutionary.’ Putting aside the idea that something is only worthwhile if it will bring on ‘the revolution’, I was concerned with the apparent attitude that sex education cannot be ‘anarchist’. Perhaps

in Changing anarchism
How Can Humanitarian Analysis, Early Warning and Response Be Improved?
Aditya Sarkar
,
Benjamin J. Spatz
,
Alex de Waal
,
Christopher Newton
, and
Daniel Maxwell

of everything and not all behaviour fits within the framework; it is not economic determinism by another name. Indeed, this logic is often closely intertwined with, and operates alongside, other political logics, such as the logic of exclusionary identity politics ( Kaldor and de Waal, 2021 ). Moreover, political markets, like all other markets, are socially embedded; societal norms shape the market, and certain actions are clearly proscribed. In South Sudan’s civil war, for instance

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Fern Elsdon-Baker

scientific work that has been done has tended to focus on the US debates concerning ‘creationism’. Often, the more sophisticated research that has been undertaken has focused on distinct faith communities or those working within elite scientific institutions. Therefore, beyond the polar extremes of these debates we have no real idea of how the supposed clash between world views plays out in the day-to-day lived experience of wider publics, or the role of wider identity politics, or indeed geopolitics, in relation to the role of religion and science in society. Moreover, we

in Science and the politics of openness
Nancy Fraser

redistribution see claims for the recognition of differ- MCK5 1/10/2003 10:25 AM Page 87 Nancy Fraser 87 ence as ‘false consciousness’, a hindrance to the pursuit of social justice. Conversely, some proponents of recognition reject distributive politics as part and parcel of an outmoded materialism that can neither articulate nor challenge key experiences of injustice. In such cases, we are effectively presented with an either/or choice: redistribution or recognition? Class politics or identity politics? Multiculturalism or social equality? These, I have argued

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
Greta Fowler Snyder

identity category more generally. Such was the case with the early gay rights movement in America, which celebrated ‘unity in diversity’ and displayed the breadth of gay identities through gay pride parades. Contemporary ‘post-black’ identity politics is another example of a multivalent recognition politics; the post-black movement aims not to do away with blackness, but instead to

in Recognition and Global Politics
Open Access (free)
Terrell Carver

, because of its origins in sex and sexuality, also seems to license a constant reduction of ‘difference’ back to the supposed basics of sex and sexuality. Is there a hierarchy within ‘differences’? Are sex and sexuality more central to human political identities than, for example, race/ethnicity or religion? If not, what concerns then allow or circumscribe an intelligible and predictable politics of identity? Political theory

in Political concepts
Tarik Kochi

) has sparked a small academic discourse of recognition theory and its application to identity politics, questions of moral and political rights and issues of global justice. While aspects of recognition theory have been adopted in interesting ways within feminism and postcolonial studies, perhaps the predominant branch has been utilized by liberal political theory with rather

in Recognition and Global Politics
Open Access (free)
Competing claims to national identity
Alex J. Bellamy

particular acts by recourse to notions of common identity and purpose, there is also a ‘bottomup’ process whereby interpretations of national identity that emerge from social practice come to inform the abstract frames themselves. The failure to appreciate this two-way process can be seen in primordialism’s inability to account for radically different conceptions of what being Croatian means and modernism’s inability to explain why the identity politics endorsed by various governments and imperial rulers were all ultimately rejected. Second, these five themes show that the

in The formation of Croatian national identity
Open Access (free)
Jeremy Gould

validity of political claims promoted at more aggregated levels of society. There are several areas of empirical investigation – corresponding to various aspects of state–society relations – where recent anthropological findings provide insights into these relations. The remainder of this chapter discusses just two of them, very briefly: identity politics (registers of citizenship), and issues of public authority in local political arenas (legitimacy). Identity politics Political pluralization in Africa, as elsewhere, has heightened political competition and multiplied

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Open Access (free)
Edward Wastnidge
and
Simon Mabon

theoretical positions can shed light on the rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran, along with the broader implications of the rivalry across the region. These different theoretical, ontological and epistemological approaches reveal much of the complex interplay between a range of factors shaping the rivalry. The complexity of the rivalry and its regional impact brings together historical antagonisms, political aspirations, identity politics, economic rivalry and security concerns, necessitating a multifaceted approach that

in Saudi Arabia and Iran