Search results
This article considers the contexts and processes of forensic identification in 2004 post-tsunami Thailand as examples of identity politics. The presence of international forensic teams as carriers of diverse technical expertise overlapped with bureaucratic procedures put in place by the Thai government. The negotiation of unified forensic protocols and the production of estimates of identified nationals straddle biopolitics and thanatocracy. The immense identification task testified on the one hand to an effort to bring individual bodies back to mourning families and national soils, and on the other hand to determining collective ethnic and national bodies, making sense out of an inexorable and disordered dissolution of corporeal as well as political boundaries. Individual and national identities were the subject of competing efforts to bring order to,the chaos, reaffirming the cogency of the body politic by mapping national boundaries abroad. The overwhelming forensic effort required by the exceptional circumstances also brought forward the socio-economic and ethnic disparities of the victims, whose post-mortem treatment and identification traced an indelible divide between us and them.
victime (Paris: Flammarion, 2011). 27 G. Gatti, Surviving Forced Disappearance in Argentina and Uruguay: Identity and Meaning (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014). 28 C. Merli and T. Buck, ‘Forensic identification and identity politics in 2004 post-tsunami Thailand: negotiating dissolving boundaries’, Human Remains and Violence, 1:1 (2015), 3–22. Bibliography Anstett, É. and J.-M. Dreyfus (eds), Destruction and Human Remains: Disposal and Concealment in Genocide and Mass Violence (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2014) Anstett, É. and J.-M. Dreyfus (eds
reproduction of youth labour market inequalities 265 Crenshaw, K. (1989), ‘Demarginalizing the intersection of race and sex: a black feminist critique of antidiscrimination doctrine, feminist theory and antiracist politics’, The University of Chicago Legal Forum, 140, 139–67. Crenshaw, K. (1991), ‘Mapping the margins: intersectionality, identity politics, and violence against women of color’, Stanford Law Review, 43:6, 1241–99. Crompton, R. (1999), Restructuring gender relations and employment: the decline of the male breadwinner (Oxford and New York: Oxford University
perspective, the kernel of truth here masks the fact that when oppositional movements mobilise against global capitalism they do so not only in terms of cultural identities but also in terms of the materiality of the global network that Castells dissolves into informatic signs. Therefore, although he offers hope to oppositional movements, it is the hope of an identity politics divorced from the great economic and ideological struggles of modernity (Castells, 1998: 359). So as well as underestimating the power of capitalist agents, Castells enjoins us to abandon the
distributive (1997, 2000; Fraser and Honneth, 2001; cf. Okin, 1989). Fraser (2001) notes how distributive justice and recognition are usually treated as incompatible, because the former TZP6 4/25/2005 4:53 PM Page 113 A model of ecowelfare 113 is regarded as a question of ‘the right’ (Kant’s notion of universal rules) and the latter as a question of ‘the good’ (the Sittlichkeit or ethical judgement that Hegel attributed to the embedded self). But Fraser’s argument is that recognition, too, involves justice claims so that it can rescued from an identity politics which
://edgeeffects.net/haraway-tsing-plantationocene/ (Accessed: 16 April 2021). Monro , S. ( 2015 ), Bisexuality: Identities, Politics, and Theories ( Basingstoke : Palgrave Macmillan ). Morgan , D. H. J. ( 1996 ), Family Connections: An Introduction to Family Studies ( Cambridge : Polity Press ). Myong , L. , and Bissenbakker , M. ( 2021 ), ‘ Attachment as Affective
Muslim community’, based on simplistic assumptions and stereotypes. Hussain considers how definitions of ‘community’ have been utilised by the ruling, generally white, political class to delineate specific ‘bounded ethnic and racial groups conceived by liberal multiculturalism and practised through identity politics’ (623). He also uses the instance of the Sparkbrook ‘spy
else's identity, political causes can make claims almost as loud and intemperate. The obliteration of one person's autonomy in the service of someone else requires the most grandiose justifications. The salience of religious identity and of the cultivation by both religious and secular leaders of congenial and conformist settings for their own sense of identity has neither been wholly absent nor uniformly dominant. It may have had a more sustained presence in unmobilised societies as a form of ensuring that the population was quiet and orderly
type of identity politics … a static standpoint epistemology” (Carrington, 2007 , p. 58) by describing the ways my various relationships, embodied experiences, age and gender performances influenced the observations I was able to make and interviews I engaged in (or not). Although this book is by no means an auto-ethnography, I recognise the following: To
potential. Centred on the problematic dimension of the ‘repossession’ of the property of the victims and the restoration of the sense of justice shaken by the effective and long-lasting robbery, these narratives paradoxically reproduce the violence-generating polarised identity politics underlying the treatment of the bodily remains of Bełzec victims. The score being settled between ‘Jews’ and ‘Poles’ is strongly implied by the disturbingly phantasmic reference to the ‘Jewish gold’ and the ‘beautiful Jewess’. Here, a statement by an elderly female inhabitant of Bełz